我，巴拉苏巴马廉（Balasubramaniam a/l Perumal，左图）是成年的马来西亚公民，诚恳地做出以下宣告：
1. 我在1981年加入大马皇家警察部队，成为一名巡警。之后，我晋升为巡伍长，最终在1998年从政治部离开警队。
2. 离开警队后，我成为一个独立私家侦探。
3. 大约在2006年6、7月，阿都拉萨巴金达（Abdul Razak Baginda）雇用我10天，负责每个工作天从早上8时至下午5时，在其坐落在安邦路的天然胶大楼（Bangunan Getah Asli）办公室，负责保护安全他的安全。他当时显然受到第三者的骚扰。
4. 我在工作两天半后就辞职了，因为我没有获得任何妥当的指示。
5. 不过，阿都拉萨在2006年10月5日重新聘用我，他当时显然收到一名华裔、自称陈姓助理警监男子的骚扰电话，他威胁阿都拉萨，要后者还债。我后来发现，这名男子其实是一名称为洪（Ang）的私家侦探，他受雇于一名蒙古女郎阿旦杜亚（Altantuya Shaaribuu）。
6. 阿都拉萨巴金达担心，是一名蒙古女郎阿旦杜亚在背后威胁他，而且将在不久后来马，同时企图联络他。
7. 阿都拉萨告诉我，他担心的原因是，有人曾劝告他，阿旦杜亚已经获得蒙古“巫师”的法力，所以他绝不可以再见到她的脸。
8. 当我询问这蒙古女郎到底是谁，阿都拉萨告诉我，她是一名朋友。阿都拉萨通过一名重要人物而结识她，这名人士要求阿都拉萨在经济上照顾她。
9. 针对自称为陈姓助理警监的华裔男子的恐吓电话，我劝他向警方报案。不过，他拒绝了，他告诉我，其中涉及了一些大人物。
10. 阿都拉萨继续告诉我，阿旦杜亚是个大骗子，有轻易说服别人的本事。她据说有很大的金钱需求，而阿都拉萨甚至为她在蒙古买了一栋房子。
11. 之后，阿都拉萨让我听她的一些电话留言，这些留言中，阿旦杜亚要求他还清已到期的债务，否则将对他不利，并且骚扰他的女儿。
12. 如此一来，我也需要同时保护他的女儿罗薇娜（Rowena）。
13. 在2006年10月9日大约早上9时半，我接到阿都拉萨的一通电话。他表示阿旦杜亚已在他的办公室，同时要求我马上到他的办公室。由于我正在进行监视工作，我因此派遣我的助手苏拉斯（Suras）到阿都拉萨巴金达的办公室。我随后才过去那里。苏拉斯成功控制状况，同时说服阿旦杜亚和随行的两名朋友离开。不过，阿旦杜亚留下了一纸便条，便条纸源自马来亚酒店，她用英文写，要求阿都拉萨通过她的手机联络她（其上有电话号码），她也写下了她的房间号码。
阿旦杜亚自我介绍“阿米娜”
14. 阿旦杜亚向苏拉斯自我介绍是“阿米娜”（Aminah，译注：阿旦杜亚的别称），并且表示，她到来是为了探视自己的男友阿都拉萨。
15. 不过，这3名蒙古女郎在翌日中午12时左右，再度造访阿都拉萨在安邦路天然胶大楼的办公室。他们没有进入该大楼，不过却再次告诉苏拉斯，他们要见阿米娜的男友：阿都拉萨。
16. 2006年10月11日，阿米娜独自造访阿都拉萨的办公室，同时交给我一张便条，请我转交给阿都拉萨。我也照做了。阿都拉萨巴金达给我看该便条，她基本上要求他马上致电。
17. 我建议阿都拉萨，如果阿米娜继续骚扰他，安排把阿米娜逮捕是比较明智的做法，不过他却拒绝了，认为一旦她的钱用光，她就会返回蒙古。
18. 在此同时，我也安排苏拉斯在马来亚酒店展开监视，监控这3名蒙古女郎的动向，不过她们认出了苏拉斯。显然她们跟苏拉斯交了朋友，有几个晚上，他更在她们的房间过夜。
19. 当阿都拉萨发现苏拉斯和阿旦杜亚逐渐熟络后，他叫我把他从马来亚酒店中拉出来。
20. 在2006年10月14日，阿米娜前往阿都拉萨位于白沙罗高原的房子。我当时虽然不在场，但是阿都拉萨通过电话告知我此事，我于是马上赶到他家。当我一抵步时，我发现阿米娜在该所房子前的篱笆外高喊：“拉萨，你这混蛋，快给我出来”。我于是试图稳住她的情绪，但是却不可行。我惟有报警，警方后来派出两辆巡逻车到现场。我向警方解释了当时的情况，警方于是把阿米娜带到十五碑的警局。
21. 我乘一辆德士，跟随警车前往十五碑警局。我叫阿都拉萨和他的律师迪仁（Dirren）向警方投报此事，但被他们拒绝。
22. 当我在十五碑警局时，阿米娜的私家侦探洪忠明先生（Mr.Ang）也随后抵步，我们相互讨论此事。他们要我向阿都拉萨提出一些要求，包括支付他们50万美金和3张飞往蒙古的机票，这显然是在巴黎交易中，至今还欠阿米娜的佣金。
23. 阿米娜在这阶段已经冷静下来了。十五碑警局的一名女警劝告我离开该地，并友善地解决此事。
24. 我接着把阿米娜的要求，转告了阿都拉萨，并告诉他，我对于他们刚才没有支持我报警一事，感到失望。我们讨论良久，我向他提出我希望退出这份工作。
纳吉说阿米娜愿意进行肛交
25. 在讨论过程中，阿都拉萨为了说服我继续留下，告诉了我以下这些事情：
25.1 他是在新加坡的一个钻石展上，通过拿督斯里纳吉的介绍，认识了阿米娜。
25.2 拿督斯里纳吉告诉阿都拉萨，他曾跟阿米娜发生过性关系，而后者也愿意进行肛交。
25.3 拿督斯里纳吉要求阿都拉萨好好照顾阿米娜，因为他现在已贵为副首相，他不希望再被阿米娜所骚扰。
25.4 拿督斯里纳吉、阿都拉萨和阿米娜3人，曾经在巴黎共进晚餐。
25.5 阿米娜要阿都拉萨支付她一笔钱。阿米娜认为，她有权获得一笔50万美元的款项，作为她在巴黎协助完成一项潜水艇交易的佣金。
26 在2006年10月19日，我到阿都拉萨位于白沙罗高原的住家，执行我的夜班工作。我如常地把我的车子泊在屋外。我看到那里有一辆黄色的普腾将相（Proton Perdana）德士，车上有3名女人，其中一人是阿米娜。那辆德士U转后，在屋前停下，那些女人把车窗绞下，并祝我“屠妖节快乐”。然后，那辆德士驶离该地。
27 大概20分钟后，那辆德士驶返，但车上只剩下阿米娜1人。她步出德士后，走过来向我谈话。我发送了一则手机短讯给阿都拉萨，通知他“阿米娜在这里”。我过后收到阿都拉萨的回复短讯，他指示我“拖着她，直到我的人马到达为止”。
28 在我和阿米娜的谈话中，她告诉了我以下事情：
28.1 她是在新加坡和拿督斯里纳吉一起时，认识了阿都拉萨。
28.2 她曾经跟阿都拉萨和拿督斯里纳吉，在巴黎共进晚餐。
28.3 她曾被承诺，可获得一笔总值50万美元的佣金，作为在巴黎完成一项潜水艇交易的酬劳。
28.4 阿都拉萨曾经在蒙古买了一所房子给她，不过她的兄弟后来把房子重贷（refinance）出去，她需要一笔钱来赎回房子。
28.5 她的母亲患病，她需要钱来支付母亲的治疗费用。
阿米娜曾在韩国和拉萨结婚
28.6 她曾在韩国和阿都拉萨结婚，因为她的母亲是一名韩国人，而父亲则是蒙古人和中国人所生的混血儿。
28.7 她询问我，如果我不允许她会见阿都拉萨，是否能代为安排，让她会见拿督斯里纳吉。
29. 我跟阿米娜谈了大概15分钟，过后一辆红色的短尾普腾赛佳（Proton Aeroback）抵达该地，车上载有1名妇女和2名男子。我现在知道这名女子就是
伍长罗哈妮扎罗斯兰（Rohaniza），而两名男子则是阿兹拉（Azilah Hadri）和西鲁（Sirul Azahar）。他们当时都身穿便服。阿兹拉当时朝我走来，而另两人则呆在车内。
30. 阿兹拉问我，那名女子是否就是阿米娜。我回答说“是的”。过后阿兹拉就走开了，并用手机拨打了几通电话。10分钟后，另一辆车子，一辆蓝色的普腾赛佳缓缓驶抵。该辆车由1名马来男子所驾驶，司机座的窗口已经绞下，而那名司机正望着我们。
31. 阿兹拉告诉我，他们将会带走阿米娜。我通知阿米娜，他们要逮捕她。另外两人然后离开红色的普腾汽车，交换座位，让一巡伍长罗哈妮查和阿米娜坐到后面，而他们俩则坐在前面。他们开车离开，而这次是我最后一次见到阿米娜了。
32. 这一切发生的时候，阿都拉萨并不在家。
33. 2006年10月19日以后，从晚上7时至翌日早上8时，我继续在阿都拉萨坐落于白沙罗高原家里工作，因为他继续收到一名称为“艾米”（Amy）女子的恐吓短讯。艾米显然是“阿米娜”在蒙古的表妹。
34. 2006年10月20日，阿米娜的两名女性朋友出现在阿都拉萨的家里，询问阿米娜的下落。我告诉她们，她已经在之前一晚被逮捕了。
35. 过了几个晚上后，这两名蒙古女子、洪忠明和另一名称为“艾米”的蒙古女子出现在阿都拉萨巴金达的家里要找阿米娜，他们相信阿米娜被囚禁在那里。
36. 这引起了一阵骚动，我因此报警。警方不久后开着一辆警车抵达。另外一辆警车随后也到来，他是来自金马警局的警官，负责调查这些蒙古女子之一，我相信是艾米，所投报的失踪人口案。
37. 我打电话给当时在家里的阿都拉萨，通知他前门所发生的状况。他后来致电给慕沙沙菲里副警监（Musa Safri），然后再回电给我，告诉我慕沙沙菲里将打电话到手机，并且要我将手机交给该名来自金马警局的警官。
38. 我之后就在我的手机接到了慕沙沙菲里打来的电话，我将手机交予该名来自金马警局的警官。他们的对话大约有3至4分钟，之后探员叫那些女子离开，并且在明天去找他。
39. 2006年10月24日，或者前后，阿都拉萨指示我陪同他到十五碑警察局。他接到劝告，针对这些蒙古女郎的骚扰向警方报案。
40. 在此之前，艾米曾传短讯给我，跟我说她将跟蒙古领事一起到泰国，针对阿米娜的失踪进行报警。显然她也将同样的短讯传给了阿都拉萨。这是为何他告诉我，他受人劝告去报警。
41. 阿都拉萨告诉我，慕沙沙菲里副警监指示他去找一个依德里斯（Idris）副警监，他是十五碑警局的刑事部主任。依德里斯后来又要他去找东尼（Tonny）助理警监。
42. 当阿都拉萨在十五碑警局，当着东尼助理警监的面前完成报案后，后者要求他录取口供，不过阿都拉萨拒绝了，因为他要出国。不过，他答应准备一份书面口供，并且将一个拇指碟（thumb drive）交给东尼助理警监。根据东尼助理警监给我的说法，我知道阿都拉萨没有这样做。
43. 不过，东尼助理警监在隔天反要求我提供口供，而我也这样做了。
44. 我在2006年10月26日停止跟阿都拉萨打工，而在同一天，阿都拉萨一个人离国前往香港。
45. 2006年11月中，我接到东尼助理警监的电话，他从汉都亚路（Jalan Hang Tuah）的警察总部打来，要求我为阿米娜案去见他一下。当我抵达那里，我马上在刑事法令第S.506非法恐吓条款的罪名下被逮捕。
46. 我随后被关到牢房内，准备扣押5天。在第3天，我获得保释。
47. 2006年11月底，警察总部的D9部门派探员来到我家，并且将我押送警察总部。当我抵达时，我被告知我已经在刑事法令第S.302谋杀条款的指控下被捕。我被关到牢房内，准备扣押7天。
48. 我被转送到武吉啊曼，我在那里接受盘问，他们问我关于一则阿都拉萨在2006年10月19日达传给我的短讯。这则短讯写着“拖延她，直到我的人抵达为止”。他们显然从阿都拉萨的手机拿到这则短讯。
有关纳吉的口供详情全被剔除
49. 他们接着连续7天，每天从早上8时半至下午6时不断地录取我的口供。我告诉他们我所知道的一切，包括阿都拉萨巴金达和阿米娜所告诉我的一切，关于他们跟拿督斯里纳吉（Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak）的关系。不过，当我准备签署我的口供书的时候，这些详情已经被剔除。
50. 我在莎亚南高庭对阿兹拉、西鲁和阿都拉萨巴金达的审讯中提供了证据。检控官没有问我关于阿米娜跟拿督斯里纳吉的关系，或者我从慕沙沙菲里副警監所接到的电话，而我相信，他是拿督斯里纳吉和／或他太太的随扈（aide-de-camp）。
51. 在阿都拉萨被捕当天，在凌晨6时30分时，我与阿都拉萨，身处其律师的办公室，阿都拉萨告诉我们，在前一日傍晚，他已经向纳吉发了一则短讯，因为他不相信他将会被逮捕，但是却并未接获任何回应。
52. 过了不久，在早上7时30分，阿都拉萨收到纳吉的短讯，向我和其律师出示有关短讯。有关短讯写着，“我在今早11时见过总警长，问题将会被解决...保持冷静”。
53. 据我所知，阿都拉萨於同一天早上，在其位于安邦路的天然胶大厦被捕。
54. 这份法定宣誓书的目的是：
54.1 针对有关当局的阿旦杜亚命案的调查手法表示我的不满。
54.2 提醒有关当局，除了这三名被告之外，极有可能还有其他的人涉及蒙古女郎命案。
54,3 敦促有关当局马上重新开启针对蒙古女郎命案的调查，以便任何新的证据能够提呈上庭。
54.4 强调我作为一名曾经服务长达17年的马来西亚皇家警察成员，我很肯定，若之前没接获来自上司明确的指示，任何一名警员都不会对一个人的头部开枪或炸毁他们的身体。
54.5 我也关注，若在阿旦杜亚案中被提控谋杀的被告阿兹拉及西鲁不必自辩论的话，他们将不必宣誓或供出究竟是从何接获命令，以及究竟是谁下达命令给他们。
55. 我是根据1960年宣誓法令作出宣誓，并相信这份宣誓书的内容是真实的。
巴拉苏巴马廉 2008年7月1日
巴拉苏巴马廉宣誓书英文原文：
STATUTORY DECLARATION
I, Balasubramaniam a/l Perumal ... do solemly and sincerely declare as follows:
1. I have been a police officer with the Royal Malaysian Police Force, having joined as a constable in 1981 attached to the police field force. I was then promoted to the rank of lance corporal and finally resigned from the police force in 1998 when I was with the Special Branch.
2. I have been working as a freelance private investigator since I left the police force.
3. Sometime in June or July 2006, I was employed by Abdul Razak Baginda for a period of 10 days to look after him at his office at the Bangunan Getah Asli, Jalan Ampang between the hours of 8am to 5pm each working day as apparently he was experiencing disturbances from a third party.
4. I resigned from this job after 2? days as I was not receiving any proper instructions.
5. I was however re-employed by Abdul Razak Baginda on the Oct 5, 2006 as he had apparently received a harassing phone call from a Chinese man calling himself ASP Tan who had threatened him to pay his debts. I later found out this gentleman was in fact a private investigator called Ang who was employed by a Mongolian woman called Altantuya Shaaribuu.
6. Abdul Razak Baginda was concerned that a person by the name of Altantuya Shaaribuu, a Mongolian woman, was behind this threat and that she would be arriving in Malaysia very soon to try and contact him.
7. Abdul Razak Baginda informed me that he was concerned by this as he had been advised that Altantuya Shaaribuu had been given some powers by a Mongolian ‘bomoh’ and that he could never look her in the face because of this.
8. When I enquired as to who this Mongolian woman was, Abdul Razak Baginda informed me that she was a friend of his who had been introduced to him by a VIP and who asked him to look after her financially.
9. I advised him to lodge a police report concerning the threatening phone call he had received from the Chinese man known as ASP Tan but he refused to do so as he informed me there were some high-profile people involved.
10. Abdul Razak Baginda further told me that Altantuya Shaaribuu was a great liar and good in convincing people. She was supposed to have been very demanding financially and that he had even financed a property for her in Mongolia.
11. Abdul Razak Baginda then let me listen to some voice messages on his handphone asking him to pay what was due otherwise he would be harmed and his daughter harassed.
12. I was therefore supposed to protect his daughter Rowena as well.
13. On Oct 9, 2006 I received a phone call from Abdul Razak Baginda at about 9.30am informing me that Altantuya was in his office and he wanted me there immediately. As I was in the midst of a surveillance, I sent my assistant Suras to Abdul Razak Baginda’s office and I followed a little later. Suras managed to control the situation and had persuaded Altantuya and her two friends to leave the premises. However Altantuya left a note written on some Hotel Malaya notepaper, in English, asking Abdul Razak Baginda to call her on her handphone (number given) and wrote down her room number as well.
14. Altantuya had introduced herself to Suras as ‘Aminah’ and had informed Suras she was there to see her boyfriend Abdul Razak Baginda.
15. These three Mongolian girls however returned to Abdul Razak Baginda’s office at the Bangunan Getah Asli, Jalan Ampang again, the next day at about 12 noon. They did not enter the building but again informed Suras that they wanted to meet Aminah’s boyfriend, Abdul Razak Baginda.
16. On Oct 11, 2006, Aminah returned to Abdul Razak Baginda’s office on her own and gave me a note to pass to him, which I did. Abdul Razak Baginda showed me the note which basically asked him to call her urgently.
17. I suggested to Abdul Razak Baginda that perhaps it may be wise to arrange for Aminah to be arrested if she harassed him further, but he declined as he felt she would have to return to Mongolia as soon as her cash ran out.
18. In the meantime, I had arranged for Suras to perform surveillance on Hotel Malaya to monitor the movements of these three Mongolian girls, but they recognised him. Apparently they become friends with Suras after that and he ended up spending a few nights in their hotel room.
19. When Abdul Razak Baginda discovered Suras was becoming close to Aminah he asked me to pull him out from Hotel Malaya.
20. On the Oct 14, 2006, Aminah turned up at Abdul Razak Baginda’s house in Damansara Heights when I was not there. Abdul Razak Baginda called me on my handphone to inform me of this so I rushed back to his house. As I arrived, I noticed Aminah outside the front gates shouting “Razak, bastard, come out from the house”. I tried to calm her down but couldn’t, so I called the police who arrived in two patrol cars. I explained the situation to the police, who took her away to the Brickfields police station.
21. I followed the patrol cars to Brickfields police station in a taxi. I called Abdul Razak Baginda and his lawyer Dirren to lodge a police report but they refused.
22. When I was at the Brickfields police station, Aminah’s own private investigator, one Mr Ang arrived and we had a discussion. I was told to deliver a demand to Abdul Razak Baginda for US$500,000 and three tickets to Mongolia, apparently as commission owed to Aminah from a deal in Paris.
23. As Aminah had calmed down at this stage, a policewoman at the Brickfields police station advised me to leave and settle the matter amicably.
24. I duly informed Abdul Razak Baginda of the demands Aminah had made and told him I was disappointed that no one wanted to back me up in lodging a police report. We had a long discussion about the situation when I expressed a desire to pull out of this assignment.
25. During this discussion and in an attempt to persuade me to continue my employment with him, Abdul Razak Baginda informed me that:
1) He had been introduced to Aminah by Najib Razak at a diamond exhibition in Singapore.
2) Najib Razak informed Abdul Razak Baginda that he had a sexual relationship with Aminah and that she was susceptible to anal intercourse.
3) Najib Razak wanted Abdul Razak Baginda to look after Aminah as he did not want her to harass him since he was now the deputy prime minister.
4) Najib Razak, Abdul Razak Baginda and Aminah had all been together at a dinner in Paris.
5) Aminah wanted money from him as she felt she was entitled to a US$500,000 commission on a submarine deal she assisted with in Paris.
26. On Oct 19, 2006, I arrived at Abdul Razak Baginda’s house in Damansara Heights to begin my night duty. I had parked my car outside as usual. I saw a yellow Proton Perdana taxi pass by with three ladies inside, one of whom was Aminah. The taxi did a U-turn and stopped in front of the house where these ladies rolled down the window and wished me ‘Happy Deepavali’. The taxi then left.
27. About 20 minutes later the taxi returned with only Aminah in it. She got out of the taxi and walked towards me and started talking to me. I sent an SMS to Abdul Razak Baginda informing him “Aminah was here”. I received an SMS from Razak instructing me “to delay her until my man comes”.
28. Whist I was talking to Aminah, she informed me of the following:
1) That she met Abdul Razak Baginda in Singapore with Najib Razak.
2) That she had also met Abdul Razak Baginda and Najib Razak at a dinner in Paris.
3) That she was promised a sum of US$500,000.00 as commission for assisting in a submarine deal in Paris.
4) That Abdul Razak Baginda had bought her a house in Mongolia but her brother had refinanced it and she needed money to redeem it.
5) That her mother was ill and she needed money to pay for her treatment.
6) That Abdul Razak Baginda had married her in Korea as her mother is Korean whilst her father was a Mongolian/Chinese mix.
7) That if I wouldn’t allow her to see Abdul Razak Baginda, would I be able to arrange for her to see Najib Razak.
29. After talking to Aminah for about 15 minutes, a red Proton Aeroback arrived with a woman and two men. I now know the woman to be lance corporal Rohaniza and the men, Azilah Hadri and Sirul Azahar. They were all in plainclothes. Azilah walked towards me while the other two stayed in the car.
30. Azilah asked me whether the woman was Aminah and I said “Yes”. He then walked off and made a few calls on his handphone. After 10 minutes another vehicle, a blue Proton Saga, driven by a Malay man, passed by slowly. The drivers window had been wound down and the driver was looking at us.
31. Azilah then informed me they would be taking Aminah away. I informed Aminah they were arresting her. The other two persons then got out of the red Proton and exchanged seats so that lance corporal Rohaniza and Aminah were in the back while the two men were in the front. They drove off and that is the last I ever saw of Aminah.
32. Abdul Razak Baginda was not at home when all this occurred.
33. After Oct 19, 2006, I continued to work for Abdul Razak Baginda at his house in Damansara Heights from 7pm to 8am the next morning, as he had been receiving threatening text messages from a woman called ‘Amy’ who was apparently ‘Aminah’s’ cousin in Mongolia.
34. On the night of Oct 20, 2006, both of Aminah’s girlfriends turned up at Abdul Razak Baginda’s house enquiring where Aminah was. I informed them she had been arrested the night before.
35. A couple of nights later, these two Mongolian girls, Mr Ang and another Mongolian girl called ‘Amy’ turned up at Abdul Razak Baginda’s house looking for Aminah as they appeared to be convinced she was being held in the house.
36. A commotion began so I called the police who arrived shortly thereafter in a patrol car. Another patrol car arrived a short while later in which was the investigating officer from the Dang Wangi police station who was in charge of the missing persons report lodged by one of the Mongolians girls, I believe was Amy.
37. I called Abdul Razak Baginda who was at home to inform him of the events taking place at his front gate. He then called DSP Musa Safri and called me back informing me that Musa Safri would be calling handphone and I was to pass the phone to the inspector from Dang Wangi police station.
38. I then received a call on my handphone from Musa Safri and duly handed the phone to the Dang Wangi inspector. The conversation lasted 3-4 minutes after which he told the girls to disperse and to go to see him the next day.
39. On or about Oct 24, 2006, Abdul Razak Baginda instructed me to accompany him to the Brickfields police station as he had been advised to lodge a police report about the harassment he was receiving from these Mongolian girls.
40. Before this, Amy had sent me an SMS informing me she was going to Thailand to lodge a report with the Mongolian consulate there regarding Aminah’s disappearance. Apparently she had sent the same SMS to Abdul Razak Baginda. This is why he told me he had been advised to lodge a police report.
41. Abdul Razak Baginda informed me that DPS Musa Safri had introduced him to one DSP Idris, the head of the criminal division, Brickfields police station, and that Idris had referred him to ASP Tonny.
42. When Abdul Razak Baginda had lodged his police report at Brickfields police station, in front of ASP Tonny, he was asked to make a statement but he refused as he said he was leaving for overseas. He did however promise to prepare a statement and hand ASP Tonny a thumbdrive. I know that this was not done as ASP Tonny told me.
43. However ASP Tonny asked me the next day to provide my statement instead and so I did.
44. I stopped working for Abdul Razak Baginda on Oct 26, 2006 as this was the day he left for Hong Kong on his own.
45. In mid-November 2006, I received a phone call from ASP Tonny from the IPK Jalan Hang Tuah asking me to see him regarding Aminah’s case. When I arrived there I was immediately arrested under Section 506 of the Penal Code for criminal intimidation.
46. I was then placed in the lock up and remanded for five days. On the third day, I was released on police bail.
47. At the end of November 2006, the D9 department of the IPK sent a detective to my house to escort me to the IPK Jalan Hang Tuah. When I arrived, I was told I was being arrested under Section 302 of the Penal Code for murder. I was put in the lock up and remanded for seven days.
48. I was transported to Bukit Aman where I was interrogated and questioned about an SMS I had received from Abdul Razak Baginda on Oct 19, 2006 which read “delay her until my man arrives”. They had apparently retrieved this message from Abdul Razak Baginda’s handphone.
49. They then proceeded to record my statement from 8.30 am to 6pm everyday for seven consecutive days. I told them all I knew including everything Abdul Razak Baginda and Aminah had told me about their relationships with Najib Razak but when I came to sign my statement, these details had been left out.
50. I have given evidence in the trial of Azilah, Sirul and Abdul Razak Baginda at the Shah Alam High Court. The prosecutor did not ask me any questions in respect of Aminah’s relationship with Najib Razak or of the phone call I received from DSP Musa Safri, whom I believe was the ADC for Najib Razak and/or his wife.
51. On the day Abdul Razak Baginda was arrested, I was with him at his lawyers office at 6.30am. Abdul Razak Baginda informed us that he had sent Najib Razak an SMS the evening before as he refused to believe he was to be arrested, but had not received a response.
52. Shortly thereafter, at about 7.30am, Abdul Razak Baginda received an SMS from Najib Razak and showed, this message to both myself and his lawyer. This message read as follows: “ I am seeing IGP at 11am today … matter will be solved … be cool”.
53. I have been made to understand that Abdul Razak Baginda was arrested the same morning at his office in the Bangunan Getah Asli, Jalan Ampang.
54. The purpose of this Statutory declaration is to:
1) State my disappointment at the standard of investigations conducted by the authorities into the circumstances surrounding the murder of Altantuya Shaaribuu.
2) Bring to the notice of the relevant authorities the strong possibility that there are individuals other than the three accused who must have played a role in the murder of Altantuya Shaaribuu.
3) Persuade the relevant authorities to reopen their investigations into this case immediately so that any fresh evidence may be presented to the court prior to submissions at the end of the prosecutions case.
4) Emphasise the fact that having been a member of the Royal Malaysian Police Force for 17 years, I am absolutely certain no police officer would shoot someone in the head and blow up their body without receiving specific instructions from their superiors first.
5) Express my concern that should the defence not be called in the said murder trial, the accused, Azilah and Sirul will not have to swear on oath and testify as to the instructions they received and from whom they were given.
55. And I make this solemn declaration conscientiously believing the same be true and by virtue of the provisions of the Statutory Declaration Act 1960.
Balasubramaniam a/l Perumal
July 1, 2008
阿旦杜亚自我介绍“阿米娜”
纳吉说阿米娜愿意进行肛交
阿米娜曾在韩国和拉萨结婚
23.5.08
“亲爱的宝贝，如果你能活着，一定要记住我爱你”the most meaningful story
"亲爱的宝贝，如果你能活着，一定要记住我爱你"
抢救人员发现她的时候，她已经死了，是被垮塌下来的房子压死的，透过那一堆废墟的的间隙可以看到她死亡的姿势，双膝跪着，整个上身向前匍匐着，双手扶着地支撑着身体，有些象古人行跪拜礼，只是身体被压的变形了，看上去有些诡异。救援人员从废墟的空隙伸手进去确认了她已经死亡，又在冲着废墟喊了几声，用撬棍在在砖头上敲了几下，里面没有任何回应。当人群走到下一个建筑物的时候，救援队长忽然往回跑，边跑变喊 "快过来"。他又来到她的尸体前，费力的把手伸进女人的身子底下摸索，他摸了几下高声的喊 "有人，有个孩子，还活着"。经过一番努力，人们小心的把挡着她的废墟清理开，在她的身体下面躺着她的孩子，包在一个红色带黄花的小被子里，大概有 3、4个月大，因为母亲身体庇护着，他毫发未伤，抱出来的时候，他还安静的睡着，他熟睡的脸让所有在场的人感到很温暖。
随行的医生过来解开被子准备做些检查，发现有一部手机塞在被子里，医生下意识的看了下手机屏幕，发现屏幕上是一条已经写好的短信 "亲爱的宝贝，如果你能活着，一定要记住我爱你"，看惯了生离死别的医生却在这一刻落泪了，手机传递着，每个看到短信的人都落泪了。
好像好像自己的宝贝，我的宝宝也才四个多月，每当他酣睡醒来的时候，在他的床边有爸爸妈妈，阿公阿婆亲切的笑脸
可是等到他（她）从梦种醒来，一切早已天崩地裂，物是人非.......
泪水又一次涌上眼帘
有的时候生也是一种揪心的考验...........！！！
抢救人员发现她的时候，她已经死了，是被垮塌下来的房子压死的
随行的医生过来解开被子准备做些检查，发现有一部手机塞在被子里
好像好像自己的宝贝，我的宝宝也才四个多月，每当他酣睡醒来的时候
可是等到他（她）从梦种醒来，一切早已天崩地裂，物是人非.......
泪水又一次涌上眼帘
有的时候生也是一种揪心的考验...........！！！
3.5.08
密谋解散及取走千万元存款 雪议员夫人协会盘算遭挫败
【本刊记者撰述】英文《太阳报》今天揭露，雪兰莪州国阵政府倒台三天后，原任州务大臣莫哈末基尔的妻子等官夫人密谋解散雪兰莪国州议员夫人协会，并要取走该组织银行户口内的马币一千万元存款；不过，新任雪州大臣卡立依布拉欣发现后挫败了她们的计划。
《太阳报》（theSun）报 道，卡立依布拉欣（Khalid Ibrahim）获知此事后，致函社团注册局质疑解散雪兰莪国州议员夫人协会（Association of Wives of State Assemblymen and Members of Parliament in Selangor，简称Balkis）的合法性，并下令全面调查及稽查这个成立于1985年的福利团体的事务。
《太阳报》获得的文件显示，基尔的妻子查哈拉柯仄（Zaharah Kechik，右图）在今年3月11日召开特别代表大会，以解散雪兰莪国州议员夫人协会及关闭其银行户口；第二天，该协会的银行户口关闭了，而户口里的款 项先被过户到另一个户口，过后再过户到联邦政府部长夫人协会（Organisation of Wives of Ministers，简称Bakti）。雪兰莪国州议员夫人协会是部长夫人协会的属会。
3月13日，雪兰莪国州议员夫人协会执委向社团注册局发出解散通知书，通知书内也附上修订章程及成立新社团，而"国阵雪兰莪国州议员夫人协会（Balkis-BN）"是其中一个拟议中的名字。
在3月8日的第12届全国大选，人民公正党、民主行动党及回教党携手夺得雪兰莪州政权，并由人民公正党依约区州议员卡立依布拉欣出任州务大臣。
申请文件不完整
《太阳报》引述知情者的话说："这是要阻止雪兰莪州新政府接管雪兰莪国州议员夫人协会的产业（Kompleks Wawasan Balkis，简称KWB）及该组织；如果该组织的企图得逞，上述款项过后将会重新过户给新成立的社团。"
不过，社团注册局的公函说明，雪兰莪国州议员夫人协会申请解散的文件不完整，并给该组织30天的时间补充资料。
雪兰莪国州议员夫人协会的章程阐明，由州务大臣的妻子担任主席。州政府消息来源说，既然基尔已非州务大臣，查哈拉也不再是该组织的主席，无权解散该组织或清算其经费。
巧合的是，该组织的章程也阐明，该组织必须保持政治中立（apolitical）。
《太阳报》引述法律专家说，3月8日之后，查哈拉领导的执委会应召开紧急会议，以商讨将雪兰莪国州议员夫人协会移交给新任执委会的事务，而新任主席应是现任州务大臣卡立依布拉欣的妻子莎尔比雅杜努（Salbiah Tunut）。
款项过户给部长夫人协会
此外，根据最近一次的会议记录，部长夫人协会听取一名现任法官的劝告，接收雪兰莪国州议员夫人协会的马币990万元，并将这笔款项存入定期存款户口；过后，这笔款项将过户给前雪兰莪国州议员夫人协会成员成立的新社团。
部长夫人协会也将接管一项耗资数百万元的"特别教育项目"，直至"新的"雪兰莪国州议员夫人协会成立为止。
这么做显然违反雪兰莪国州议员夫人协会章程的规定，即假设要解散，所有款项都必须过户给政府或经内陆税收局总监批准后，过户给一个相似基金会。
与此同时，据了解，现任雪兰莪州务大臣卡立依布拉欣在志期4月23 日、致给社团注册局的公函中说，雪兰莪国州议员夫人协会户口里的钱中，大约马币85万元是由州政府公司捐献――Kumpulan Darul Ehsan Bhd去年捐献马币26万8862元，而雪兰莪州发展机构（Perbadanan Kemajuan Negri Selangor，简称PKNS）则在2006年至2007年间捐献了马币59万379元50分。
据了解，卡立依布拉欣也在调查莎亚南第七区一块土地的过户详情；这块土地的面积有4万3560平方尺，国阵州政府在2002年以马币25万元（每平方尺马币5.74元）的象征性价格卖给雪兰莪国州议员夫人协会，由后者兴建耗资马币五百万元的妇女收容所。
《太阳报》（theSun）报 道，卡立依布拉欣（Khalid Ibrahim）获知此事后，致函社团注册局质疑解散雪兰莪国州议员夫人协会（Association of Wives of State Assemblymen and Members of Parliament in Selangor，简称Balkis）的合法性，并下令全面调查及稽查这个成立于1985年的福利团体的事务。
《太阳报》获得的文件显示，基尔的妻子查哈拉柯仄（Zaharah Kechik，右图）在今年3月11日召开特别代表大会，以解散雪兰莪国州议员夫人协会及关闭其银行户口；第二天，该协会的银行户口关闭了，而户口里的款 项先被过户到另一个户口，过后再过户到联邦政府部长夫人协会（Organisation of Wives of Ministers，简称Bakti）。雪兰莪国州议员夫人协会是部长夫人协会的属会。
3月13日，雪兰莪国州议员夫人协会执委向社团注册局发出解散通知书，通知书内也附上修订章程及成立新社团，而"国阵雪兰莪国州议员夫人协会（Balkis-BN）"是其中一个拟议中的名字。
在3月8日的第12届全国大选，人民公正党、民主行动党及回教党携手夺得雪兰莪州政权，并由人民公正党依约区州议员卡立依布拉欣出任州务大臣。
申请文件不完整
《太阳报》引述知情者的话说："这是要阻止雪兰莪州新政府接管雪兰莪国州议员夫人协会的产业（Kompleks Wawasan Balkis，简称KWB）及该组织；如果该组织的企图得逞，上述款项过后将会重新过户给新成立的社团。"
不过，社团注册局的公函说明，雪兰莪国州议员夫人协会申请解散的文件不完整，并给该组织30天的时间补充资料。
雪兰莪国州议员夫人协会的章程阐明，由州务大臣的妻子担任主席。州政府消息来源说，既然基尔已非州务大臣，查哈拉也不再是该组织的主席，无权解散该组织或清算其经费。
巧合的是，该组织的章程也阐明，该组织必须保持政治中立（apolitical）。
《太阳报》引述法律专家说，3月8日之后，查哈拉领导的执委会应召开紧急会议，以商讨将雪兰莪国州议员夫人协会移交给新任执委会的事务，而新任主席应是现任州务大臣卡立依布拉欣的妻子莎尔比雅杜努（Salbiah Tunut）。
款项过户给部长夫人协会
此外，根据最近一次的会议记录，部长夫人协会听取一名现任法官的劝告，接收雪兰莪国州议员夫人协会的马币990万元，并将这笔款项存入定期存款户口；过后，这笔款项将过户给前雪兰莪国州议员夫人协会成员成立的新社团。
部长夫人协会也将接管一项耗资数百万元的"特别教育项目"，直至"新的"雪兰莪国州议员夫人协会成立为止。
这么做显然违反雪兰莪国州议员夫人协会章程的规定，即假设要解散，所有款项都必须过户给政府或经内陆税收局总监批准后，过户给一个相似基金会。
与此同时，据了解，现任雪兰莪州务大臣卡立依布拉欣在志期4月23 日、致给社团注册局的公函中说，雪兰莪国州议员夫人协会户口里的钱中，大约马币85万元是由州政府公司捐献――Kumpulan Darul Ehsan Bhd去年捐献马币26万8862元，而雪兰莪州发展机构（Perbadanan Kemajuan Negri Selangor，简称PKNS）则在2006年至2007年间捐献了马币59万379元50分。
据了解，卡立依布拉欣也在调查莎亚南第七区一块土地的过户详情；这块土地的面积有4万3560平方尺，国阵州政府在2002年以马币25万元（每平方尺马币5.74元）的象征性价格卖给雪兰莪国州议员夫人协会，由后者兴建耗资马币五百万元的妇女收容所。
20.4.08
政坛新秀的劝勉
切莫自欺欺人被人欺－ 给政坛新秀的劝勉 林立选
最近有许多"不小心"当上了政治领袖的年轻人，还在不知所措，不知该从何开始他们的政治生涯前，容许我这好管闲事的政治基层领袖给你们一些"勉励"；
富有社会经验及人生历练的人，都知道必须以诚心忠厚待人。既不可欺骗别人，也不要轻易相信别人，而被人所欺。所谓"害人之心不可有，防人之心不可无"，应该就是连小学生都会懂的人际关系之基本原则。
如果人人信守这个原则，社会上可以省下许多恩怨是非，以及避免无数的纠纷。但现实世界告诉我们真正信守这原则的人，特别是政治人物，已经是凤毛麟角了……
更何况，一般人都常常很容易的掉入人性的弱点－贪、怕以及自负，以致为自己的主观所蒙蔽，相信某些别有居心者错误的资讯或建议，而自以为自己是有本钱或本事而高估自己，低估对手的本钱及本事而作出错误判断；就在不知不觉中成为政治大内高手的棋子而埋下断送自己名誉的失败种子！
任何人都可以很冷静客观的去观察与了解我们周围的政治人物，有没有自以为是，陷於"自大"而不自知，经常觉得自己有更高的才能，而应该得到别人重视的？有没有一听到别人赞美甚至是奉承之举动，就会沾沾自喜，却不知自我当思而作检讨与改进的？
更可怕的是，明知自己没有如此的本钱或本事，却许下许多超出能力范围之外的承诺，开出许多不太可能兑现的支票，以为赢取选票就是一切，手段是其次；但正如已故的美国总统林肯所说的："你可以某个时间点蒙骗某个人，可以长时间蒙骗某个人；你也可以某个时间点蒙骗所有人，但你不可能长时间蒙骗所有人！"
人在社会上立足， 一般会形成两个评价，除了对自己有个品评外，另一个则是别人就你言行举措所作的评估。而政治人物，还必须多加一个评估－历史对此人为社会所作的贡献的评估！
只要有腐肉，就会有苍蝇。政客是很容易从任何角落冒出来的，而真正有担当、有远见、有魄力的政治家，却不会从天上掉下来。先要有负责任、有见识的公民，才会有负责任、有见识的政治家。
在政坛上混了多年的政治老油条最会对刚踏入政坛、对未来充满理想的年轻人许下美丽动人的愿景；然后利用年轻人对理想的浪漫追求而激发出的冲劲来把这些入世未深的年轻人当作不用本钱的免费劳工来使用！
容许我大胆的如此评论；古今中外的政治领袖，聪明的，则多不忠厚；而忠厚的，则多不聪明，真正聪明又忠实的，是少之又少的"品种"。忠厚又不聪明的，我想劝告你还是尽快离开政治圈，不然分分钟你会死的不明不白；而聪明却不忠厚的，可能你以为你就能在政坛上呼风唤雨，但正如我上面所述，你不可能长时间蒙骗所有人！更重要的是你以为你将会赚得全世界，但实不知你是赔上你一生的安定；因为你将永远活在疑神疑鬼的环境里头！
真正聪明又忠实的政治领袖，就请你好好的培养及教育你的选民及支持者，使他们成为负责任、有见识的公民；这样就算你的政敌
要计算你，也有几百几千双眼睛在守护你！
而我现在写这篇文章就可能是正在作着如此的预防工作吧！？
最近有许多"不小心"当上了政治领袖的年轻人，还在不知所措，不知该从何开始他们的政治生涯前，容许我这好管闲事的政治基层领袖给你们一些"勉励"；
富有社会经验及人生历练的人，都知道必须以诚心忠厚待人。既不可欺骗别人，也不要轻易相信别人，而被人所欺。所谓"害人之心不可有，防人之心不可无"，应该就是连小学生都会懂的人际关系之基本原则。
如果人人信守这个原则，社会上可以省下许多恩怨是非，以及避免无数的纠纷。但现实世界告诉我们真正信守这原则的人，特别是政治人物，已经是凤毛麟角了……
更何况，一般人都常常很容易的掉入人性的弱点－贪、怕以及自负，以致为自己的主观所蒙蔽，相信某些别有居心者错误的资讯或建议，而自以为自己是有本钱或本事而高估自己，低估对手的本钱及本事而作出错误判断；就在不知不觉中成为政治大内高手的棋子而埋下断送自己名誉的失败种子！
任何人都可以很冷静客观的去观察与了解我们周围的政治人物，有没有自以为是，陷於"自大"而不自知，经常觉得自己有更高的才能，而应该得到别人重视的？有没有一听到别人赞美甚至是奉承之举动，就会沾沾自喜，却不知自我当思而作检讨与改进的？
更可怕的是，明知自己没有如此的本钱或本事，却许下许多超出能力范围之外的承诺，开出许多不太可能兑现的支票，以为赢取选票就是一切，手段是其次；但正如已故的美国总统林肯所说的："你可以某个时间点蒙骗某个人，可以长时间蒙骗某个人；你也可以某个时间点蒙骗所有人，但你不可能长时间蒙骗所有人！"
人在社会上立足， 一般会形成两个评价，除了对自己有个品评外，另一个则是别人就你言行举措所作的评估。而政治人物，还必须多加一个评估－历史对此人为社会所作的贡献的评估！
只要有腐肉，就会有苍蝇。政客是很容易从任何角落冒出来的，而真正有担当、有远见、有魄力的政治家，却不会从天上掉下来。先要有负责任、有见识的公民，才会有负责任、有见识的政治家。
在政坛上混了多年的政治老油条最会对刚踏入政坛、对未来充满理想的年轻人许下美丽动人的愿景；然后利用年轻人对理想的浪漫追求而激发出的冲劲来把这些入世未深的年轻人当作不用本钱的免费劳工来使用！
容许我大胆的如此评论；古今中外的政治领袖，聪明的，则多不忠厚；而忠厚的，则多不聪明，真正聪明又忠实的，是少之又少的"品种"。忠厚又不聪明的，我想劝告你还是尽快离开政治圈，不然分分钟你会死的不明不白；而聪明却不忠厚的，可能你以为你就能在政坛上呼风唤雨，但正如我上面所述，你不可能长时间蒙骗所有人！更重要的是你以为你将会赚得全世界，但实不知你是赔上你一生的安定；因为你将永远活在疑神疑鬼的环境里头！
真正聪明又忠实的政治领袖，就请你好好的培养及教育你的选民及支持者，使他们成为负责任、有见识的公民；这样就算你的政敌
要计算你，也有几百几千双眼睛在守护你！
而我现在写这篇文章就可能是正在作着如此的预防工作吧！？
25.3.08
Flood in Kota Kemuning
Interesting shoots from a friend :
Quote : "Pls watch the video clip I took on last Friday 14 March 2008.
Location: Kesas Kota Kemuning Toll
Time: 6 pm
Can't imagine we (Malaysian's) are having flood at a paid Expressway!
So many cars were stalled at the road side due to engine breakdown's.
I know the flood was caused by high tide from Selat Melaka, but I'm sure there are ways to solve this problem. Do not forget that more
than half of The Netherland is actually below sea level!
I foresee the same disaster will recur during the "9th Month" (lunar
calendar) when the high tides will strike Selat Melaka again!
I am writing this because I was in the queue for more than 45 mins just
to pay the RM2.20 toll! (Semi Value was sitting at the toll asking me
if I need any resit! F''k him!)
The situation could be far more better if the toll station was not there! Just
imagine if you were in the queue and the damn hi-way operator still isist on extorting RM2.20 from you!
Conclusion:
Remove the toll! (Or at least stop from collecting toll
when hi-way users are stuck in a massive jam... there is a management
term called "contingency approach"!" : Unquote
See video here!
Quote : "Pls watch the video clip I took on last Friday 14 March 2008.
Location: Kesas Kota Kemuning Toll
Time: 6 pm
Can't imagine we (Malaysian's) are having flood at a paid Expressway!
So many cars were stalled at the road side due to engine breakdown's.
I know the flood was caused by high tide from Selat Melaka, but I'm sure there are ways to solve this problem. Do not forget that more
than half of The Netherland is actually below sea level!
I foresee the same disaster will recur during the "9th Month" (lunar
calendar) when the high tides will strike Selat Melaka again!
I am writing this because I was in the queue for more than 45 mins just
to pay the RM2.20 toll! (Semi Value was sitting at the toll asking me
if I need any resit! F''k him!)
The situation could be far more better if the toll station was not there! Just
imagine if you were in the queue and the damn hi-way operator still isist on extorting RM2.20 from you!
Conclusion:
Remove the toll! (Or at least stop from collecting toll
when hi-way users are stuck in a massive jam... there is a management
term called "contingency approach"!" : Unquote
See video here!
24.3.08
解构与建构－雪州新任政府的两大超级任务
马来西亚独立五十年来雪州首度的政权转移在持续一周莫明其妙、纷纷扰扰的争虚名等无谓纠纷後总算是和平的转移了；民主大实验已经开跑了，选民选择在五十年后的今天给在野党一次机会去把他们的理念付诸实际；不是因为在野党的政治理念有多感人，而是国阵政府五十年来的政绩太伤人（特别是人民的口袋）；所以新任政府不但不可以高兴得太早，反而应该战战兢兢的承担起这历史所给予的重责大任。特别是民主行动党，现在角色调换了；从以前找政府的把柄到现在准备让人找把柄的时候，如果党内领袖再不理性、成熟的团结起来把任务迅速分配、认真的分工合作；恐怕执政不到一百天就有上百个以上的把柄给敌对党的人捉在手里了。而现在摆在眼前的任务，简单的讲，可却是不简单的任务，大致上可分为两大类；解构与建构。历史是不能被完全否定的，因为如果天真的以为把旧有的一切拆除，然后重新来过，以为只要进行一个新的社会改造工程，就可以变成一个新的社会，将会是场马来西亚开国以来的大浩劫！因为大多数人民只能接收一定程度的改变而不太能接受翻天伏地，不能预测结局的大改变。所以要解构国阵政府所留来的烂摊子，我们必须有如专业医生准备开大手术般的小心谨慎，听取多方面的意见；特别是有经验的人的意见。容许我在这里讲个故事；孔子的学生曾问孔子："强国之道有何条件？" 孔子回答他的学生："有三个条件；一：强兵，二：储粮 三：取信于民。"孔子的学生又问："如果只能取其二呢？" 孔子回答："舍弃强兵 而守储粮及让人民对政权的信任。"孔子的学生又再问："如果只能取其一呢？"孔子答："让人民对政权的信任。"为什么孔子会这样回答呢？因为人民挨饿三、四天还不会死人，但如果人民对政权没有信心时，整个社会陷入无政府状态时，分分钟会死人！"国阵政权会易手就是因为人民对她失去信心；比如一国之首可以在24小时之内违背之前所讲的话及许许多多太明显欺骗人民的事件导至人民不敢再相信他们了……所以，除了解构国阵政府错综复杂的利益输送、朋党企业等任务外；新任政府更重要的是能建构出一个大方向、大格局来让所以人民能信任政府、愿意忍受过渡时期的痛苦，耐心等候新任政府要花好几年时间后才能交出来的成绩。所以，民主行动党的州领袖们是时候下决心把过去对政治的热情（Passion）转化成对政治的专业(Profession)。换句话说，民主行动党打天下的战争算是告一段落了，接下来应该是治天下、平天下的努力了。在人类历史中，打天下兼能治天下的人不多，又能平天下的人更少。外国历史上最典型的就是美国开国总统华盛顿。而中国从清朝到现在都找不到这号人物。所以，雪州新任政府的领袖们，就请记住"任重道远"这句话的含义，可不要辜负雪州人民对你们的期望了。
26.2.08
Song Kee Chai's fake JP award !
Believe it or not !
Fake JP award to Song Kee Chai
BN candidate for Sungai Pinang state seat
see details here !
Fake JP award to Song Kee Chai
BN candidate for Sungai Pinang state seat
see details here !
The truth about special rights, as told like never before
During this critical election period , those of you who are not actively involved in doing something to protect yiur own rights, do at least forward this message through emails to remind all the rest of the community,
the need to go all out and vote !
Here's something I ducked out. Saturday, December 04, 2004
Unveiling the truth of Malay 'Special Rights' .... - Kim Quek
Our Constitution is printed in a small booklet that can be bought for about RM10 in the book shops. Buy one copy and read through to find out what it says about these "rights". After all, these issues have been the hottest favourites of our politicians ever since our Independence. Aren't you curious to find out? If you have read through the Constitution to look for an answer to these Malay "rights", perhaps the first thing that has struck you is that, familiar terminologies such as Malay "special rights", Malay "special privileges" or Malay "rights" are no where to be found in the Constitution.
Since the egalitarian nature of our Constitution is largely intact, in spite of the presence of Article 153, then why should it have acquired such an adverse reputation as the legal root of all kinds of racial inequalities in this country?
Clauses (3) & (6) say that the Yang di-Pertuan Agong may, for purpose of fulfilling Clause (2), give general directions to the relevant authorities, which shall then duly comply.There is a separate clause covering the allocation of seats in tertiary education - Clause (8A). It says that where there are insufficient places for any particular course of study, the Yang di-Pertuan Agong may give directions for the "reservation of such proportion of such places for Malays as the Yang di-Pertuan Agong may deem reasonable; and the authority shall duly comply with the directions."
4) At this critical juncture, when nations in this region and around the world are urgently restructuring and shaping up to cope with globalization, our nation stagnates in a cesspool that has been created through decades of misrule.
If you think this is a good write-up and make some probable sense,
pls pass it on ....so that others may know what's been talked about
the need to go all out and vote !
...to show that our combined force can make a difference
NOTHING IS IMPOSIBLE
When the Nazis came for the communists,I remained silent; I was not a communist.When they locked up the social democrats, I remained silent;I was not a social democrat.When they came for the trade unionists, I did not speak out;I was not a trade unionist. When they came for the Jews,I remained silent;I wasn't a Jew.
NOTHING IS IMPOSIBLE
When the Nazis came for the communists,I remained silent; I was not a communist.When they locked up the social democrats, I remained silent;I was not a social democrat.When they came for the trade unionists, I did not speak out;I was not a trade unionist. When they came for the Jews,I remained silent;I wasn't a Jew.
When they came for me,there was no one left to speak out ..... - Martin Niemöller (1892–1984)
My conscience play tricks with me reading this poem of Martin Niemoller. Certainly Kim Quek would have no such problem.
Here's something I ducked out. Saturday, December 04, 2004
Unveiling the truth of Malay 'Special Rights' .... - Kim Quek
The recurring issue of Malay 'special rights' was again brought into focus when Opposition Leader Lim Kit Siang moved to reprimand Higher Education Minister Shaffie Salleh in Parliament on Dec 1st for the latter's recent racial utterances.
In the recently concluded UMNO annual assembly, Shaffie vowed to never admit any non-Malay students to the public funded Universiti Institute Teknologi Mara (UiTM), and he also undertook to ensure that in spite of the current meritocracy system of university intake, Malay students would always exceed 55%, which was the percentage stipulated under the previous quota system.
Proposing the motion, Kit Siang described these policy statements as shocking and extremist. He exerted that apart from damaging Malaysia's international reputation, they undermined national unity and integration and lowered competitiveness all round.
Opposing the motion, MP Ahmad Shabery Cheek (UMNO, Kemaman) accused Kit Siang of stirring up racial issues and challenging Malay "special rights", for which Ahmad quoted Article 153 of the Federal Constitution which prescribed these rights.
Kit Siang denied these accusations and asked the newly appointed Speaker Ramli Ngah Talib for a ruling as to whether the motion was deemed seditious. The Speaker remained silent. As expected, the motion was eventually rejected in view of ruling party BN's overwhelming majority.
Forty seven years after Independence, racial issues continued to monopolise national politics, and championing Malay rights remains the single dominant ideology of the only ruling power that this independent nation has known, UMNO. Thousands of speeches have been made championing this Malay cause, using various terminologies such as Malay "special rights", Malay "special privileges" or simply Malay "rights", often invoking the nation's Constitution as the legal back-up.
But, of the thousands of politicians who have used these terminologies, how many have read through the Constitution to find out what these "rights" really are? Very few, perhaps!
Our Constitution is printed in a small booklet that can be bought for about RM10 in the book shops. Buy one copy and read through to find out what it says about these "rights". After all, these issues have been the hottest favourites of our politicians ever since our Independence. Aren't you curious to find out? If you have read through the Constitution to look for an answer to these Malay "rights", perhaps the first thing that has struck you is that, familiar terminologies such as Malay "special rights", Malay "special privileges" or Malay "rights" are no where to be found in the Constitution.
Instead, we only find the term "the special position of the Malays", which appears twice, in Clause (1) and Clause (2) of Article 153, which is titled "Reservation of quotas in respect of services, permits, etc, for Malays and natives of any of the States of Sabah and Sarawak". (The natives of Sabah and Sarawak were only incorporated into the Constitution upon the formation of Malaysia in 1963, during which Sabah, Sarawak and Singapore were merged with Malaya to form Malaysia.
In this article, the words "the natives of Sabah and Sarawak" will not be repeated after the word "Malay" when I quote from the Constitution, for abbreviation purpose). MP Ahmad Shabery Cheek has of course correctly pinpointed Article 153 as that part of the Constitution upon which Malay "rights" were founded. But has he read and understood the full meaning of Article 153?
Anyone who has read through Article 153 might be surprised to discover that the provisions favouring Malays are in fact quite moderate, and certainly no way as stretched out in intensity and scope as our politicians would want us to believe. Similarly, those provisions protecting the non-Malays as a counter-balance to the special position of the Malays under this Article are also surprisingly quite well conceived and fair.
In fact, when read in conjunction with Article 8 (Equality) and Article 136 (Impartial treatment of Federal employees), Article 153 cannot be construed as having significantly violated the egalitarian principles of our Constitution, contrary to common perception.
Since the egalitarian nature of our Constitution is largely intact, in spite of the presence of Article 153, then why should it have acquired such an adverse reputation as the legal root of all kinds of racial inequalities in this country?
Answer: the fault is not with our Constitution, but with our politicians twisting, misinterpreting and abusing it.
It is perhaps high time we get to the bottom of Article 153.Clause (1) of Article 153 states: "It shall be the responsibility of the Yang di-Pertuan Agong to safeguard the special position of the Malays and the legitimate interests of other communities in accordance with the provisions of this Article". So, the first understanding that we must have on Article 153 is that it is meant to protect the interests of not only the Malays, but also those of the non-Malays.Next, note the deliberate use of the words "safeguard" and "special position" (instead of "special rights" or "special privileges"). The choice of these words must be understood in the historical context of the drafting of this Constitution half a century ago when Malays were economically and educationally backward in relation to other races. It was thought fit and proper then that there must be "safeguards" to protect the Malays from being swarmed over by other races.
Hence, the creation of the "special position" of the Malays, which was obviously intended for defensive purpose: to protect for survival. The impeccable avoidance of using words like "rights" and "privileges", and the choice of the word "safeguard" were clearly calculated to reflect its defensive nature. Under that historical context, the provision of the special position of the Malays in the Constitution certainly could not be interpreted to mean the endowment of racial privileges to create a privileged class of citizenship. Clause (2) says that the Yang di-Pertuan Agong shall safeguard the special position of the Malays by reserving positions "of such proportion as he may deem reasonable" in a) the public service b) educational facilities and c) business licenses.
Clauses (3) & (6) say that the Yang di-Pertuan Agong may, for purpose of fulfilling Clause (2), give general directions to the relevant authorities, which shall then duly comply.There is a separate clause covering the allocation of seats in tertiary education - Clause (8A). It says that where there are insufficient places for any particular course of study, the Yang di-Pertuan Agong may give directions for the "reservation of such proportion of such places for Malays as the Yang di-Pertuan Agong may deem reasonable; and the authority shall duly comply with the directions."
As for the protection of non-Malays against possible encroachment of their existing interests, there are several provisions under different clauses in this Article, prohibiting the deprivation of the existing facilities enjoyed by them, whether in public service, education or trading licenses.
Of these protective clauses, Clauses (5) and (9) are particularly significant. Clause (5) consists of one sentence, which reads: "This Article does not derogate from the provisions of Article 136".Article 136 also consists of one sentence, which reads: "All persons of whatever race in the same grade in the service of the Federation shall, subject to the terms and conditions of their employment, be treated impartially." Clause (9) consists of one sentence, which reads: "Nothing in this Article shall empower Parliament to restrict business or trade solely for the purpose of reservations for Malays."Reading Article 153 will not be complete without reading Article 89 (Equality).
I will quote the more significant Clauses (1) and (2) of this Article in full, as follows: Clause (1) states: "All persons are equal before the law and entitled to the equal protection of the law."Clause (2) states: "Except as expressly authorized by this Constitution, there shall be no discrimination against citizens on the ground only of religion, race, descent or place of birth in any law or in the appointment to any office or employment under a public authority or in the administration of any law relating to the acquisition, holding or disposition of property or the establishing or carrying on of any trade, business, profession, vocation or employment."
Reading through these Articles of the Constitution, we are able to draw the following conclusions:
Reading through these Articles of the Constitution, we are able to draw the following conclusions:
1. The present clamour for Malay "special rights" as sacrosanct racial privileges of a privileged race, especially under the ideological ambit of Ketuanan Melayu (Malay the master race), is in conflict with the letters and spirit of the Constitution.
2. The special position of the Malays as prescribed under Article 153 of the Constitution is limited in scope to only the reservation of reasonable quotas in these 3 sectors: public services, educational places and business licenses. Hence, the present rampant racial discriminations practiced on almost every facet of our national life are mostly violations of the Constitution.
Examples of these violations are:
a) Racial discrimination in the appointment and promotion of employees in publicly funded bodies, resulting in these becoming almost mono-raced bodies (particular so in their top strata). These bodies include: the civil service, police, army and various semi and quasi government agencies.
b) Barring of non-Malays from tenders and contracts controlled directly or indirectly by the government.
c) Imposition of compulsory price discounts and quotas in favour of Malays in housing projects.
d) Imposition of compulsory share quota for Malays in non-Malay companies.
e) Blanket barring of non-Malays to publicly funded academic institutions (that should include the Uitm, which is the subject of debate in Parliament referred to earlier in this article).
f) Completely lop-sided allocation of scholarships and seats of learning in clearly unreasonable proportions that reflect racial discriminations.
3) Our Constitution provides for only one class of citizenship and all citizens are equal before the law. The presence of Article 153 does not alter this fact, as it is meant only to protect the Malays from being "squeezed" by other races by allowing the reservation of reasonable quotas on certain sectors of national life.
However, this Constitution has now been hijacked through decades of hegemony of political power by the ruling party to result in the virtual monopoly of the public sector by a single race. The ensuing racism, corruption and corrosion of integrity of our democratic institutions have brought serious retrogression to our nation-building process in terms of national unity, discipline, morality and competitiveness of our people.
4) At this critical juncture, when nations in this region and around the world are urgently restructuring and shaping up to cope with globalization, our nation stagnates in a cesspool that has been created through decades of misrule.
Unless urgent reforms are carried out, beginning with the dismantling of the anachronistic racial superstructure, we are in for serious troubles in the days ahead.
If you think this is a good write-up and make some probable sense,
pls pass it on ....so that others may know what's been talked about
18.2.08
Lim Guan Eng stands with DAP Kota Alam Shah
Lim Lip Suan together with supporters attending the DAP New Year Gathering at its
PJ HQ and approaching Lim Guan Eng to lobby for his candidacy in the Kota Alam Shah
21世纪政治领袖的五大条件
一个先进国家的诞生通常是紧随着那个国家的公民社会意识已经成熟了；所以如果我们期望马来西亚能顺利的在未来的十年内成为先进国，我们首先就必须培养我们的人民拥有塑造公民社会的使命感，而我们的政治领袖（无论在朝或在野）都必须自许为未来公民社会的领导人；特别是雪州的政治领袖－因为雪州自称已经是"先进州"了！？21世纪的政治领袖应该具备哪些条件呢？依我所见，起码要有以下五大条件：一：正直的道德观美国最令人想念的其中之一位总统，如果我说是甘奈迪总统，应该没有多少异议；甘奈迪於1968年遇刺身亡，这件事常留在人们心中。他最令人难於忘怀的是他道德的怒气。他提到许多情形，大多数人认为无法改变，但他说："我们不能接受"，……诸如，贫穷、文盲、贪污、种族歧视，这类当时美国人都接受的"现实"，他个人深以为耻辱。今天我们需要为我们辩是非、明黑白的政治领袖，让我们也会开始为我们的社会竟然还有上述的现象而感到耻辱；只有这样，马来西亚才能往上提升，而不是向下沉沦。二：独立思考、终身学习独立思考与终身学习互为一体的两面。一个人如果缺乏独立思考的能力，终身学习的效率不会有明显的看见；同样的，没有终身学习的习惯，独立思考将乏善可陈。所以某个政党一昧鼓励终身学习却不提独立思考，是有偏概全的作法。三：良好的沟通能力听、读、说、写是沟通能力最基本的四大管道。阅读能力是终身学习之钥匙，表达能力则仰赖口说与写作能力，至於"听"的重要性则最常被低估。事实上，一个人的"听力"不足将导至单向沟通，流於鸡同鸭讲的糗态。所以某个准候选人说只要能讲国语就有资格当候选人的说辞是非常错误的观念。四：丰富的国际观在这个全球化的时代里，世界任何一个角落发生的事都很可能影响到世界另一个角落。更何况这是全世界都在拼经济、抢资源的时代，一个政治领袖绝对不可以是井底之蛙。五：涉猎专业以外的知识"政治"，对孙中山先生而言；"是管理众人的事。"，所以政治领袖除了必须拥有自己的专业能力之外，还需要有目标、有纪律、有计划地涉猎包括政治、历史、管理、经济、贸易等领域。我深刻期许在来届大选，无论在朝在野的政党，所派出来的候选人，都具备上述的五大条件。只有这样，马来西亚的前途才会充满希望。
7.2.08
Take in the New , throw out the Old ...for sure !
迎 新送旧，理所当然！ 哥打阿南沙主席林立选 今年的农历新年是鼠年，就让我在这向大家讲个有关老鼠的故事：几年前在市面上有一本畅销书叫《谁搬走了我的乳酪》；内容好像是特别写给大马华裔看的……故事是描述两只老鼠和两个小矮人面临乳酪完了的危机；老鼠总是用简单却没有效率的错误尝试法来找寻乳酪。另外两个小矮人，"犹疑"和"哈哈"则对找寻乳酪有不同的态度；"犹疑"是个懒得变动、害怕改变的人；"哈哈"却是太顾"恩情"而几乎害了自己的人。当"哈哈"成功的面对"乳酪完了"的现实，（这让我想起副首相纳吉在去年的巫统大会里警告说我们将在未来的四、五年之内从石油净出口国变成净人口国）而勇敢的去找寻新的乳酪时，他在墙上写下了许多发人深思的话，如：1.如果你不改变自己，你就会被淘汰！2.虽然比较晚开始，但总比没有开始要好得多了！3.要常常嗅一嗅乳酪的气味，如此你才会知道它何时开始变质！（要常常关心政 治，这样你才会知道……）4.选择往新的方向移动能帮助你找到新的乳酪！5.当你摆脱了恐惧，你就会感到无比的舒服！6.你愈早放弃旧的乳酪，你就会愈快找到新的乳酪！7.进入迷宫里寻找新的乳酪总比继续停留在旧的地方而已经有迹象说明将快没有乳酪的地方安全得多了！8.食古不化的想法，不会帮助你找到新的乳酪。 从这本书的故事，我联想到一个国家沿用了五十年的政策对那个国家的经济已经造成了许许多多的限制已是个不争的事实。以往的世界经济还可包容这类没有竞争力的种族经济，但是"全球化"(Globalization)已经把我们的乳酪从种族之间竞争转变到向全世界竞争，还句话说，如果我们不敢勇于改变，我们将会被世界所淘汰！试看看下面这一段：50年前，我国宣布独立时，自称是君主立宪国；50年后，我国副首相告诉我们说我国是回教国，首相则澄清是议会民主国……50年前，我国改编印尼情歌为Negaraku；50年后，我国有位年轻人把Negaraku改编为Negarakuku,从源头来看，其实并不过分……但这可怜的年轻人却被国阵政府动用整个政府能动用的打压手段来打压他……50年前，华、巫、印三大民族是建国的主要三兄弟，50年后，巫统告诉其他民族不可挑战他们主要民族（Ketuanan Melayu）的地位……50年前，查卡利亚是个在贫穷家庭生活的小孩子；50年后，因为政治背景的缘故，查卡利亚已是为了子孙满堂的理由而要建非法千万豪宅的Datuk！他在面对"市议会一门三杰"、"自己批地给自己"、"被控39项罪状"等一连串的事件后，依然无事，这要不说明查卡利亚本身是无罪的，要不就是说明我们的国阵政府是无能的！ 所谓政府，是我们每五年选出来为我们做事的；它凡做一件事，我要用监督的眼光衡量它的效率与成果，做的好，是应该的，做得不好，就得换人。如果以上述50年的"业绩"来看，我左看右看上看下看都看不出国阵政府是及格的政府；更何况它把所有的政府建筑物弄得不漏水就不叫政府建筑物，这种丢人现眼的政府如果还不换的话，国家肯定没有前途！！！所以在这鼠年，我最大的愿望及要求就是所有大马华社的一份子都勇于改变，为了我们自己及我们的下一代，因为只有这样，我们才能面对全球化的挑战。就让我们在这个国家已经独立了50年后的今天勇敢的作出改变，抗衡霸权的国阵政府，争取更有保障的未来；使所谓的2020宏愿能真正的落实！ 同时，我们也呼吁选民不要被国阵政府最近的大派糖果而冲昏头脑；糖果的背后还有许多的计时炸弹如外劳政策、治安问题、通货膨胀问题、过路费问题、油价问题等等等没有解决！再次祝愿大家；新年快乐，万事如意！
A New Year , a New Beginning, naturally
This lunar new year is the year of the Rat which gives me the opportunity to tell a story related to the rat.
A few years ago there is this best selling book by the title “Who moved my cheese?” by Dr Spencer Johnson which has some relevance to the Malaysia Chinese community. It features two mice and two miniature humans , "Hem" and "Haw". The two mice always use the crudest and inefficient ways to find cheese. Whereas Hem and Haw have a different way to go about it. Hem has big inertia to change and not willing to adapt while Haw has too much compassion that invariably exposes his loved ones to great danger.
As Haw has accepted the fact that the cheese has run out he set out to find a new source, (which reminds me of our DPM Najib ‘s warning during the UMNO general assembly a few years ago that Malaysia will become a net importer of crude oil in 4 to 5 years time) he writes on the wall of the cheese station the following thought provoking statement:
1. Change
If you do not change, you will become extinct
2. Its never too late to change
3. Monitor Change
Smell the Cheese often so you know when it is getting old
( that is , be more aware and concerned with politics, only then will you know the change)
4. Change Happens
New directions , new sources
5. Get rid of the fear to change
6. Adapt quickly to change
The Quicker You Let Go Of Old Cheese, The Sooner You Can Enjoy New Cheese
7. Enjoy Change!
Savor The Adventure And Enjoy The Taste Of New Cheese!
8. Anticipate Change
Get Ready For The Cheese To Move
The story makes me think of the undisputed fact of the under-achievements , wastage , damage and restrictions caused by the 50 years economic policy which Malaysia has suffered under the Barisan National regime.
The old uncompetitive & growth-delibidating race based economic policies may have worked to a certain extent in the past, but no longer in the present real world. Globalisation has made our ‘cheese’ change and exposes us to the harsh competitive world stage. Simply put, if we do not change, we will become ‘ extinct ‘.
Since 50 years ago, we have been a constitutional monarchy. now 50 years later, we were told by our DPM that we are an Islamic country, then again our PM clarified otherwise.
50 years ago, we adopted the Indonesian love song and modified it to become our national anthem ‘Negaraku’. 50 years later, a young man modified it again to become ‘Negarakuku’.
Looking at it objectively , it is not offensive in fact. Then again, the poor young helpless man was crushed by the disproportionate salvo unleashed by the merciless BN government machinery .
50 years ago, the three major races were united as the founding pillars of this country. 50 years later, UMNO has warned others not to raise the issue nor challenge the Malay dominant status (Ketuanan Melayu)
50 years ago, Zakaria Md Deros was only an ordinary small boy from a poor family. 50 years later, owing to his extraordinary political influence and so-called " family needs " , he built an illegal multi million ringgit mansion which has been dubbed " Zakaria's Palace" ! Still standing tall & basking in unabashed glory even after a string of negative issues such as the ‘3 town councilors from 1 family’, ‘self approval of land application’, ‘multiple charges of 39 law offences’ scandals , this can only prove either that the shameless man is not guilty or the BN government is simply hopeless!
The elected government , as the name suggests, is what we choose every 5 years to serve us, the people. We have to monitor closely its effectiveness and results. If the results are good , we deserve it. If bad , we can change it. If we judge the results based on the past 50 years performance, it goes without saying that the BN government is a total failure. If there is no change, there is little future for this country.
Therefore for the year of the Rat, I can only wish that all Malaysian have the courage to change, for our generation and the coming one. Only then, we are able to take on the challenge of world globalization.
Let us make the brave move and stand up against the unreasonable BN regime, fight for a better future, and make the Vision 2020 come true!
I would like to take the opportunity to call on voters not to be pampered and tricked by the election gimmicks and tricks currently served by the BN. Hidden behind all these promised sweets are unsolved hardcore issues like foreign workers policy, rising social crime statistics , inflation issues, toll hikes, imminent fuel price hikes, and other time bombs waiting to blow up.
Happy New Year!
Lim Lip Suan
DAP Kota Alam Shah Chairman
A New Year , a New Beginning, naturally
This lunar new year is the year of the Rat which gives me the opportunity to tell a story related to the rat.
A few years ago there is this best selling book by the title “Who moved my cheese?” by Dr Spencer Johnson which has some relevance to the Malaysia Chinese community. It features two mice and two miniature humans , "Hem" and "Haw". The two mice always use the crudest and inefficient ways to find cheese. Whereas Hem and Haw have a different way to go about it. Hem has big inertia to change and not willing to adapt while Haw has too much compassion that invariably exposes his loved ones to great danger.
As Haw has accepted the fact that the cheese has run out he set out to find a new source, (which reminds me of our DPM Najib ‘s warning during the UMNO general assembly a few years ago that Malaysia will become a net importer of crude oil in 4 to 5 years time) he writes on the wall of the cheese station the following thought provoking statement:
1. Change
If you do not change, you will become extinct
2. Its never too late to change
3. Monitor Change
Smell the Cheese often so you know when it is getting old
( that is , be more aware and concerned with politics, only then will you know the change)
4. Change Happens
New directions , new sources
5. Get rid of the fear to change
6. Adapt quickly to change
The Quicker You Let Go Of Old Cheese, The Sooner You Can Enjoy New Cheese
7. Enjoy Change!
Savor The Adventure And Enjoy The Taste Of New Cheese!
8. Anticipate Change
Get Ready For The Cheese To Move
The story makes me think of the undisputed fact of the under-achievements , wastage , damage and restrictions caused by the 50 years economic policy which Malaysia has suffered under the Barisan National regime.
The old uncompetitive & growth-delibidating race based economic policies may have worked to a certain extent in the past, but no longer in the present real world. Globalisation has made our ‘cheese’ change and exposes us to the harsh competitive world stage. Simply put, if we do not change, we will become ‘ extinct ‘.
Since 50 years ago, we have been a constitutional monarchy. now 50 years later, we were told by our DPM that we are an Islamic country, then again our PM clarified otherwise.
50 years ago, we adopted the Indonesian love song and modified it to become our national anthem ‘Negaraku’. 50 years later, a young man modified it again to become ‘Negarakuku’.
Looking at it objectively , it is not offensive in fact. Then again, the poor young helpless man was crushed by the disproportionate salvo unleashed by the merciless BN government machinery .
50 years ago, the three major races were united as the founding pillars of this country. 50 years later, UMNO has warned others not to raise the issue nor challenge the Malay dominant status (Ketuanan Melayu)
50 years ago, Zakaria Md Deros was only an ordinary small boy from a poor family. 50 years later, owing to his extraordinary political influence and so-called " family needs " , he built an illegal multi million ringgit mansion which has been dubbed " Zakaria's Palace" ! Still standing tall & basking in unabashed glory even after a string of negative issues such as the ‘3 town councilors from 1 family’, ‘self approval of land application’, ‘multiple charges of 39 law offences’ scandals , this can only prove either that the shameless man is not guilty or the BN government is simply hopeless!
The elected government , as the name suggests, is what we choose every 5 years to serve us, the people. We have to monitor closely its effectiveness and results. If the results are good , we deserve it. If bad , we can change it. If we judge the results based on the past 50 years performance, it goes without saying that the BN government is a total failure. If there is no change, there is little future for this country.
Therefore for the year of the Rat, I can only wish that all Malaysian have the courage to change, for our generation and the coming one. Only then, we are able to take on the challenge of world globalization.
Let us make the brave move and stand up against the unreasonable BN regime, fight for a better future, and make the Vision 2020 come true!
I would like to take the opportunity to call on voters not to be pampered and tricked by the election gimmicks and tricks currently served by the BN. Hidden behind all these promised sweets are unsolved hardcore issues like foreign workers policy, rising social crime statistics , inflation issues, toll hikes, imminent fuel price hikes, and other time bombs waiting to blow up.
Happy New Year!
Lim Lip Suan
DAP Kota Alam Shah Chairman
6.2.08
Press Release by DAP Sri Pinang
DAP Sri Pinang supports Lim Lip Suan
DAP Sri Pinang is totally dissatisfied and at a loss with a Selangor DAP leader who has with unabashed ulterior motives falsely created some dangerous spins as part of a shameful strategy to divert attention to his numerous personal shortcomings. This kind of uncouth behavior is uncalled for and incompatible with someone who is a leader of a responsible political party.
We need a trustworthy election candidate which DAP can be truly proud of !
We DAP Sri Pinang would humbly mention though that the issue of the Kota Alam Shah state seat would normally not be up to DAP Sri Pinang to comment. However due to the contemptuous and disgraceful tactics adopted and the strange and suspicious support towards someone who we sincerely believe to be intellectually handicapped and with dubious loyalty to the party and people at large , we DAP Sri Pinang , as an important part of the DAP family, cannot just stand idly by and we have resolved to defend the honour of our party with the fullest concern and responsibility that it deserves.
We have full confidence in our comrade Mr Lim Lip Suan , the DAP Kota Alam Shah Chairman and fully supports him and cannot by any accounts allow other unscrupulous people to sabotage his promising political career . As a mark of our total and unequivocal support and sincerity , we have through our own initiatives prepared 10 "Lim Lip Suan Chinese New Year banners" for the purpose of enhancing his image and publicity further to the public.
We DAP Sri Pinang firmly believes that Lim Lip Suan is the most qualified person available to lead the challenge in the coming election. We strongly urge the DAP Central Committee to give Lim Lip Suan due consideration and will appreciate the prompt response for campaign preparation purpose.
We hope that the Central Committee can accept the wishes of the grass root members. We would also take the opportunity to call on voters not to be pampered by the election gimmicks and tricks currently served by the BN. Hidden behind all these promised sweets eg, relaxed foreign workers policy, social crime problems , inflation issues, toll hikes, imminent fuel price hikes, and others are really time bombs waiting to blow up.
We urgently need strong and able people like Lim Lip Suan and his team to take up the fight against the BN regime, to make a difference and achieve our ultimate objective of forcing BN to solve the above woes and relieve the hardship of the general public.
DAP Sri Pinang is totally dissatisfied and at a loss with a Selangor DAP leader who has with unabashed ulterior motives falsely created some dangerous spins as part of a shameful strategy to divert attention to his numerous personal shortcomings. This kind of uncouth behavior is uncalled for and incompatible with someone who is a leader of a responsible political party.
We need a trustworthy election candidate which DAP can be truly proud of !
We DAP Sri Pinang would humbly mention though that the issue of the Kota Alam Shah state seat would normally not be up to DAP Sri Pinang to comment. However due to the contemptuous and disgraceful tactics adopted and the strange and suspicious support towards someone who we sincerely believe to be intellectually handicapped and with dubious loyalty to the party and people at large , we DAP Sri Pinang , as an important part of the DAP family, cannot just stand idly by and we have resolved to defend the honour of our party with the fullest concern and responsibility that it deserves.
We have full confidence in our comrade Mr Lim Lip Suan , the DAP Kota Alam Shah Chairman and fully supports him and cannot by any accounts allow other unscrupulous people to sabotage his promising political career . As a mark of our total and unequivocal support and sincerity , we have through our own initiatives prepared 10 "Lim Lip Suan Chinese New Year banners" for the purpose of enhancing his image and publicity further to the public.
We DAP Sri Pinang firmly believes that Lim Lip Suan is the most qualified person available to lead the challenge in the coming election. We strongly urge the DAP Central Committee to give Lim Lip Suan due consideration and will appreciate the prompt response for campaign preparation purpose.
We hope that the Central Committee can accept the wishes of the grass root members. We would also take the opportunity to call on voters not to be pampered by the election gimmicks and tricks currently served by the BN. Hidden behind all these promised sweets eg, relaxed foreign workers policy, social crime problems , inflation issues, toll hikes, imminent fuel price hikes, and others are really time bombs waiting to blow up.
We urgently need strong and able people like Lim Lip Suan and his team to take up the fight against the BN regime, to make a difference and achieve our ultimate objective of forcing BN to solve the above woes and relieve the hardship of the general public.
5.2.08
DAP Sri Pinang supports Lim Lip Suan
民主行动党斯里槟榔支部力挺林立选民主行动党斯里槟榔支部非常不齿近日有雪州的某位党领袖为了转移人民的视线，试图掩饰自己学历不足的问题而自导自演假新闻来哗众取宠，博取廉价宣传；这种人不单不配当候选人；连当党领袖都不够资格！原本哥打阿南沙选区候选人的问题不属于斯里槟榔支部有权干涉的事项；但因为上述人物的"奥步"政治操守及学历不足等的严重素质问题，身为民主行动党的一份子，本支部觉得有必要维护党的声誉，所以决定在这个时候站出来力挺哥打阿南沙支部主席林立选，绝不容许有心人士拦阻林立选的政治前途。为了证明本支部在力挺林立选的这件事上不是光说不练，而是全心全意的支持，所以本支部决定为林立选赶制十条贺年布条，为林立选造势。斯里槟榔支部的同志们都一致认为林立选同志品学兼优，为人高风亮节，是不可多得的人才，所以本支部大声呼吁党中央慎重考虑及珍惜人才；让林立选能代表党在哥打阿南沙选区出战。希望在这关键时刻，党中央能尽快给予答复，方便我们为林立选助选。希望党中央能尊重及接受基层的意愿。同时，我们也呼吁选民不要被国阵政府最近的大派糖果而冲昏头脑；糖果的背后还有许多的计时炸弹如外劳政策、治安问题、通货膨胀问题、过路费问题、油价问题等等等没有解决……所以我们需要像林立选与他的哥打阿南沙支部团队来为我们抗衡国阵的霸权，使国阵愿意真正面对上述的问题，为民解困。
3.2.08
A letter to all Malaysians
尊敬的马来西亚公民：我们生存在一片美丽丰裕的国土。这五十年来我们有些成就，也有值得我们庆幸和骄傲的地方。可是，好多严重的人为问题也产生了。我 们不再感到安全，因为罪案屡屡，警方好像束手无策。我们缺乏各种自由，如宗教，言论，和教育自由。我们生活逐渐困难，虽然国家资源丰富。经过半世纪的发展和奋斗，每人都已获得真正的平等了吗？资源的取用和分配公平吗？我们的社会公正吗？司法公正吗?有冤时能伸吗？有话能说吗？不满时能抗议吗？加上贪官当道，钱使推磨，欲诉无门，像个什么社会？种种病症，必有病源。其一，病入膏肓的贪污，加上鸵鸟式的无睹。其二，制度缺乏透明和制衡。其三，新闻和言论的封锁。再者，执政者不正，当权者滥权。又者，司法远离公正廉明四个字。可不悲哀？再这样下去，下一代怎办？很明显的，必须改革了！我们需要一个更好的政府，更好的国会。单靠埋怨政府是不够的。国会议员是我们选的，要嘛只能怪自己。所以，我恳求大家采取以下行动：一、和家人，同事，及朋友讨论改革国会的需要。二、在将来临的大选，前往投票，投于改革。三、请勿认为手中仅一票而无法影响大局。四、请勿认为政客一般黑，投谁都一样。也请勿保持自扫门前雪的态度。五、影响和鼓励你的家人，同事，及朋友在将来临的大选，前往投票，投于改革。投票是一个重大的责任，不是儿戏；每一票都代表民主和君国之别。我们在批评政府之时，自己应当先尽责。也让我们想想自己和他人的儿女，让我们仔细看着他们那些充满希望和期待的眼神。无数的幼小的他们，无法投票，只能把他们的前途托付于我们。我们对后代的责任，不仅是当前的抚养而已。为了大家的后代，我们有责任把票投于改革。在大选投票过后，我们还需要继续监督我们的国会议员，确保他们实行诺言，向人民交代。改革不是白日梦，改革是社会历史的必经路。但是，改革不能凭口，而要靠每个人的行动，要靠奋斗。让我们为了那无数的无暇的眼神而行动吧！谢谢！杨映波（一名关心社会的人士）________________________________
31.1.08
Row brewing in DAP
By LOONG MENG YEE, PAUL CHOO and CHRISTINA TAN
KLANG
There is disagreement between two DAP top guns – secretary-general Lim Guan Eng and Selangor opposition chief Teng Chang Khim – over the choice of candidate for the Kota Alam Shah state seat.
At the centre of the furore is Lim Lip Suan, 35, Teng's political secretary, declared the “acting candidate” for the seat several days ago following claims that Guan Eng was dragging his feet over the candidacy.
Banners are cropping up in Kuala Lumpur as incumbent Pandan MP Datuk Ong Tee Keat of the MCA and incumbent Bukit Bintang MP Fong Kui Lun (below) of the DAP extend their Chinese New Year wishes to their constituents.
Lip Suan’s branch in Kota Alam Shah held a press conference on Sunday, announcing him as the candidate for the constituency.
The branch is believed to have acted in defiance of a supposed move by Guan Eng to have senior member Peter Tan contest the seat.
Tan used to be a senior aide to Teng, but they had a falling out and he was later seen siding with Guan Eng. Teng has denied any involvement in the branch's decision.
“This branch is made up of mainly young professionals. They are not puppets. They feel Lip Suan has better qualifications to be a candidate.
“And I agree with them,” he said.
Teng said candidates for the elections must be of quality, with at least secondary school education.
When contacted, Lip Suan, who has a Diploma in Marketing, said the branch felt that Tan was not a suitable candidate as he only had up to Year Five education.
Tan, 47, a former tow-truck business owner, said he realised his limited education was being used as political ammunition against him.
“My service record since 1999 speaks for itself,” he said.
Meanwhile, Kota Alam Shah DAP branch deputy chairman Go Chin Ooi said that the branch had conveyed its wish to state chairman Ean Yong Hian Wah.
When contacted, Ean Yong said the state DAP had three names for Kota Alam Shah but the candidate had yet to be finalised. The seat is held by Gerakan’s Ching Su Chen.
In Petaling Jaya, Guan Eng declined to elaborate but said it was a trivial issue.
KLANG
There is disagreement between two DAP top guns – secretary-general Lim Guan Eng and Selangor opposition chief Teng Chang Khim – over the choice of candidate for the Kota Alam Shah state seat.
At the centre of the furore is Lim Lip Suan, 35, Teng's political secretary, declared the “acting candidate” for the seat several days ago following claims that Guan Eng was dragging his feet over the candidacy.
Banners are cropping up in Kuala Lumpur as incumbent Pandan MP Datuk Ong Tee Keat of the MCA and incumbent Bukit Bintang MP Fong Kui Lun (below) of the DAP extend their Chinese New Year wishes to their constituents.
poster war begins
Lip Suan’s branch in Kota Alam Shah held a press conference on Sunday, announcing him as the candidate for the constituency.
The branch is believed to have acted in defiance of a supposed move by Guan Eng to have senior member Peter Tan contest the seat.
Tan used to be a senior aide to Teng, but they had a falling out and he was later seen siding with Guan Eng. Teng has denied any involvement in the branch's decision.
“This branch is made up of mainly young professionals. They are not puppets. They feel Lip Suan has better qualifications to be a candidate.
“And I agree with them,” he said.Teng said candidates for the elections must be of quality, with at least secondary school education.
When contacted, Lip Suan, who has a Diploma in Marketing, said the branch felt that Tan was not a suitable candidate as he only had up to Year Five education.
Tan, 47, a former tow-truck business owner, said he realised his limited education was being used as political ammunition against him.
“My service record since 1999 speaks for itself,” he said.
Meanwhile, Kota Alam Shah DAP branch deputy chairman Go Chin Ooi said that the branch had conveyed its wish to state chairman Ean Yong Hian Wah.
When contacted, Ean Yong said the state DAP had three names for Kota Alam Shah but the candidate had yet to be finalised. The seat is held by Gerakan’s Ching Su Chen.
In Petaling Jaya, Guan Eng declined to elaborate but said it was a trivial issue.
29.1.08
不满内定陈彼得攻打哥打阿南莎民行基层推林立选当代理候选人
黄凌风 1月25日 下午3点13分
由于不满党中央内定哥打阿南莎州议席的候选人，民主行动党哥打阿南莎支部将率先推选本身属意的候选人，并为近在眉睫的全国大选展开助选活动。《当今大马》获悉，行动党哥打阿南莎支部拟在后天（下星期天）举行一场“哥打阿南莎州选区助选筹委小组”成立仪式，正式推出哥打阿南莎支部主席林立选为该选区的“代理候选人”。据悉，哥打阿南莎支部是不满党中央已经内定雪州行动党副主席陈彼得，作为在来届大选的候选人，但是却迟迟没有向当地基层宣布谁是候选人。消息披露，当地基层无法接受缺乏学历的陈彼得在该议席上阵，并指后者属于草根型的领袖，不适宜成为候选人。他们指出，就连雪州行动党州委也不认同陈彼得出阵，虽然受到反对，但是当权派仍坚持要让属于本身人马的陈彼得竞选。有鉴于此，哥打阿南莎支部将率先推选林立选作为“代理候选人”，直到该党中央宣布委派更好的人选为止。地方人士指出，民政党代表庄秀春在上届大选于哥打阿南莎区州议席中轻易出胜后，全职为民服务，在当地赢得极佳口碑。哥打阿南莎区州议席拥有大约60%华裔选民、印裔28%，其余是马来选民。现年35岁的林立选，是于2000年加入民主行动党，曾任巴生北区支部秘书和主席。他也是前任民主行动党雪州社青团副团长，现任雪州反对党领袖邓章钦的政治秘书。陈彼得（47岁）则是于1982年加入民主行动党，曾于1999年至至2005年担任邓章钦的特别助理。他目前担任行动党雪州州委，兼任雪州公共投诉局副主任，同时中选为巴生公市支部主席至今。林立选承认支部与中央意见不一致林立选（左图）在接受《当今大马》询问时，证实该支部将于本星期天成立助选小组，并且将宣布一系列的助选活动。他表示，他被推选为“代理候选人”的目的是要抛砖引玉，以便党中央能够委任比他更出色的候选人在当地上阵。他承认，该支部与中央在决定有关选区候选人方面的意见并不一致，许多基层党员都不认同陈彼得在该区竞选。他继称，随着选举的脚步逐渐靠近，行动党应该对选民有所交代，证明该党并非临时抱佛脚的政党。“嘉化峇峇、查卡利亚学历也不高”另一方面，陈彼得（左图）在回应时，承认他已经于去年4月间向秘书长林冠英申请在哥打阿南莎州议席竞选，但是党中央至今仍未给予批准。“林冠英说现在还不是时候批准。林立选要做什么可以去做，但是最后候选人是由党中央才有权力批准。”针对一些人批评他缺少学识的说法，陈彼得以前副首相嘉化峇峇和现任巴生港口区州议席查卡利亚（右图）为例，辩解说两人都并没有高学历，但都没有遭到巫统的嫌弃。“查卡利亚只念到小学3年级为止，而嘉化峇峇也只拥有小学学历。”“我是小时候父亲没有钱供我读书，所以只读到小学五年级。但是，学问是可以学习的，哪里有人生下来就会走路和讲话。”“况且在马来西亚只要你会说国语，就可以在州议会发言。”此外，林立选的部落格也曾经刊登一封自称为“一群该支部忠诚党员”致给行动党秘书长林冠英的公开信，推荐林立选成为哥打阿南沙选区候选人的公开信中表示，行动党希望来届大选时在哥打阿南沙选区会稳操胜券，而不是成为他人笑柄。“事缘我们听闻陈彼得同志亲口说您将会给他出来当哥打阿南沙选区候选人。众所周知，来届大选的气氛是对我党相当有利的，如果我们没有好好把握这此机会，可能又要等多五年，最怕是再也没机会了……所以选对人才是这此大选决定我党能大赢或小胜的关键。更加重要的是，这此大选将决定历史对您的领导能力及智慧的定位！”“所谓政治人才，应该具备相当的学识，品格及勇气。可是几乎所有关心政治的巴生人都知道陈彼得同志在上述的三个条件都是不及格的！我们相信我们的支部主席，林立选同志在前述的三个条件上都好过陈彼得。所以我们认为没有理由不让我们的林立选同志出来当哥打阿南沙选区候选人。”“我们相信任何一个政治领袖，如能确实做到‘知人善用’及‘唯才是用’，吸引人才的效果，一定会倍增的，反之，人才就会被吓走！”
林立选：支部与中央意见不一致
陈彼得：查卡利亚的学历也不高
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两行动党支部力荐林立选上阵阿南莎支部拒为其他人选拉票 黄凌风 1月27日 下午4点19分
民主行动党哥打阿南莎支部（Kota Alam Shah）联合新邦立马支部（Simpang Lima）力挺林立选於来届大选在哥打阿南莎州议席竞选，哥打阿南莎支部更放话，除了该支部主席林立选披甲上阵之外，绝不为其他受委在该区上阵的候选人助选。行动党哥打阿南莎支部副主席吴晋卫和秘书陈思仪今日在巴生举行新闻发布会，以“珍惜选票，抢救未来”为主题，正式成立该支部的助选筹备小组，并公开推荐林立选为该选区的“代理候选人”。吴晋卫指出，哥打阿南莎选区内的另一个支部——新邦立马，其主席丘志博也已同意加入有关助选小组，支持林立选在该选区上阵。哥打阿南莎另一支部未表态行动党在哥打阿南莎共有3个支部，另一个快乐花园支部目前仍未正式表态。不过，新邦立马支部并没有派代表参与今日的新闻发布会。据悉，哥打阿南莎支部是不满党中央已经内定雪州行动党副主席陈彼得，作为在来届大选的候选人，但是却迟迟没有向当地基层宣布谁是候选人，因此才率先推选本身属意的候选人，并为近在眉睫的全国大选展开助选活动。询及如果党中央派遣其他候选人竞选哥打阿南莎州议席，有关支部是否会为有关候选人助选时，吴晋卫（右者）与陈思仪（左者）即场与其他委员商量之后，决定不会为林立选之外的候选人助选。吴晋卫说，“我们已经决定，除了林立选之外，我们不会为其他人助选”。他补充说，该支部认为林立选是竞选哥打阿南莎州议席的最理想人选，因为后者不但是道地的巴生人，而且该支部在林立选的领导下，在短短的半年时间内交出了出色的表现。他举例说，在巴生港口州议员查卡利亚丑闻爆发后，林立选成功将“查氏皇宫”打造为我国新的“旅游景
点”，并举办第一个以“反贪腐”为名的旅游团，同时也揭发巴生公共图书馆的工程一直受到拖延等等。候选人需具备学识见识气魄他表示，由于党中央至今仍未公布该选区的候选人，因此，该支部公开推荐林立选为该选区的“代理候选人”，直到党中央宣布更好的人选为止。“我们将为哥打阿南莎选区的选民把关，务必要求党中央派出的人选，是具备相当的学识、见识及气魄的候选人，以便能够真正造福人民。”曾向中央力争但仍未有回应吴晋卫披露，该支部曾经向党中央推荐林立选作为候选人，并且针对此事会见雪州主席欧阳捍华，但是后者却无法给予他们正面的答复。陈思仪补充说，他们尊重党中央的权力，但是也希望党中央尊重他们的意愿。她形容，该支部已经筹备展开助选活动，但是目前“万事俱备，只欠东风”，因为党中央仍未宣布上阵的候选人。较早时在同一个地点主持另一项活动的林立选（左图），接受记者询问时坦承，他在几个月前已经向党中央申请在哥打阿南莎上阵。“但是，在大概一个月前，秘书长林冠英通过政治秘书黄伟益告诉我，秘书长目前正忙着上槟城，因此还未有时间考量这方面的东西。”针对哥打阿南莎支部表示，除了他之外不会会其他候选人助选的事情，林立选并没有正面做出答复。“这是他们说的，我的目的只是要抛砖引玉，希望党派出的候选人是最好及有理想的代表。”现年35岁的林立选，
是于2000年加入民主行动党，曾任巴生北区支部秘书和主席。他也是前任民主行动党雪州社青团副团长，现任雪州反对党领袖邓章钦的政治秘书。地方人士指出，民政党代表庄秀春在上届大选于哥打阿南莎区州议席中轻易出胜后，全职为民服务，在当地赢得极佳口碑。哥打阿南莎区州议席拥有大约60%华裔选民、印裔28%，其余是马来选民。
哥打阿南莎另一支部未表态
候选人需具备学识见识气魄
曾向中央力争但仍未有回应
黄凌风 1月25日 下午3点13分
由于不满党中央内定哥打阿南莎州议席的候选人，民主行动党哥打阿南莎支部将率先推选本身属意的候选人，并为近在眉睫的全国大选展开助选活动。《当今大马》获悉，行动党哥打阿南莎支部拟在后天（下星期天）举行一场“哥打阿南莎州选区助选筹委小组”成立仪式，正式推出哥打阿南莎支部主席林立选为该选区的“代理候选人”。据悉，哥打阿南莎支部是不满党中央已经内定雪州行动党副主席陈彼得，作为在来届大选的候选人，但是却迟迟没有向当地基层宣布谁是候选人。消息披露，当地基层无法接受缺乏学历的陈彼得在该议席上阵，并指后者属于草根型的领袖，不适宜成为候选人。他们指出，就连雪州行动党州委也不认同陈彼得出阵，虽然受到反对，但是当权派仍坚持要让属于本身人马的陈彼得竞选。有鉴于此，哥打阿南莎支部将率先推选林立选作为“代理候选人”，直到该党中央宣布委派更好的人选为止。地方人士指出，民政党代表庄秀春在上届大选于哥打阿南莎区州议席中轻易出胜后，全职为民服务，在当地赢得极佳口碑。哥打阿南莎区州议席拥有大约60%华裔选民、印裔28%，其余是马来选民。现年35岁的林立选，是于2000年加入民主行动党，曾任巴生北区支部秘书和主席。他也是前任民主行动党雪州社青团副团长，现任雪州反对党领袖邓章钦的政治秘书。陈彼得（47岁）则是于1982年加入民主行动党，曾于1999年至至2005年担任邓章钦的特别助理。他目前担任行动党雪州州委，兼任雪州公共投诉局副主任，同时中选为巴生公市支部主席至今。林立选承认支部与中央意见不一致林立选（左图）在接受《当今大马》询问时，证实该支部将于本星期天成立助选小组，并且将宣布一系列的助选活动。他表示，他被推选为“代理候选人”的目的是要抛砖引玉，以便党中央能够委任比他更出色的候选人在当地上阵。他承认，该支部与中央在决定有关选区候选人方面的意见并不一致，许多基层党员都不认同陈彼得在该区竞选。他继称，随着选举的脚步逐渐靠近，行动党应该对选民有所交代，证明该党并非临时抱佛脚的政党。“嘉化峇峇、查卡利亚学历也不高”另一方面，陈彼得（左图）在回应时，承认他已经于去年4月间向秘书长林冠英申请在哥打阿南莎州议席竞选，但是党中央至今仍未给予批准。“林冠英说现在还不是时候批准。林立选要做什么可以去做，但是最后候选人是由党中央才有权力批准。”针对一些人批评他缺少学识的说法，陈彼得以前副首相嘉化峇峇和现任巴生港口区州议席查卡利亚（右图）为例，辩解说两人都并没有高学历，但都没有遭到巫统的嫌弃。“查卡利亚只念到小学3年级为止，而嘉化峇峇也只拥有小学学历。”“我是小时候父亲没有钱供我读书，所以只读到小学五年级。但是，学问是可以学习的，哪里有人生下来就会走路和讲话。”“况且在马来西亚只要你会说国语，就可以在州议会发言。”此外，林立选的部落格也曾经刊登一封自称为“一群该支部忠诚党员”致给行动党秘书长林冠英的公开信，推荐林立选成为哥打阿南沙选区候选人的公开信中表示，行动党希望来届大选时在哥打阿南沙选区会稳操胜券，而不是成为他人笑柄。“事缘我们听闻陈彼得同志亲口说您将会给他出来当哥打阿南沙选区候选人。众所周知，来届大选的气氛是对我党相当有利的，如果我们没有好好把握这此机会，可能又要等多五年，最怕是再也没机会了……所以选对人才是这此大选决定我党能大赢或小胜的关键。更加重要的是，这此大选将决定历史对您的领导能力及智慧的定位！”“所谓政治人才，应该具备相当的学识，品格及勇气。可是几乎所有关心政治的巴生人都知道陈彼得同志在上述的三个条件都是不及格的！我们相信我们的支部主席，林立选同志在前述的三个条件上都好过陈彼得。所以我们认为没有理由不让我们的林立选同志出来当哥打阿南沙选区候选人。”“我们相信任何一个政治领袖，如能确实做到‘知人善用’及‘唯才是用’，吸引人才的效果，一定会倍增的，反之，人才就会被吓走！”
林立选：支部与中央意见不一致
陈彼得：查卡利亚的学历也不高
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两行动党支部力荐林立选上阵阿南莎支部拒为其他人选拉票 黄凌风 1月27日 下午4点19分
民主行动党哥打阿南莎支部（Kota Alam Shah）联合新邦立马支部（Simpang Lima）力挺林立选於来届大选在哥打阿南莎州议席竞选，哥打阿南莎支部更放话，除了该支部主席林立选披甲上阵之外，绝不为其他受委在该区上阵的候选人助选。行动党哥打阿南莎支部副主席吴晋卫和秘书陈思仪今日在巴生举行新闻发布会，以“珍惜选票，抢救未来”为主题，正式成立该支部的助选筹备小组，并公开推荐林立选为该选区的“代理候选人”。吴晋卫指出，哥打阿南莎选区内的另一个支部——新邦立马，其主席丘志博也已同意加入有关助选小组，支持林立选在该选区上阵。哥打阿南莎另一支部未表态行动党在哥打阿南莎共有3个支部，另一个快乐花园支部目前仍未正式表态。不过，新邦立马支部并没有派代表参与今日的新闻发布会。据悉，哥打阿南莎支部是不满党中央已经内定雪州行动党副主席陈彼得，作为在来届大选的候选人，但是却迟迟没有向当地基层宣布谁是候选人，因此才率先推选本身属意的候选人，并为近在眉睫的全国大选展开助选活动。询及如果党中央派遣其他候选人竞选哥打阿南莎州议席，有关支部是否会为有关候选人助选时，吴晋卫（右者）与陈思仪（左者）即场与其他委员商量之后，决定不会为林立选之外的候选人助选。吴晋卫说，“我们已经决定，除了林立选之外，我们不会为其他人助选”。他补充说，该支部认为林立选是竞选哥打阿南莎州议席的最理想人选，因为后者不但是道地的巴生人，而且该支部在林立选的领导下，在短短的半年时间内交出了出色的表现。他举例说，在巴生港口州议员查卡利亚丑闻爆发后，林立选成功将“查氏皇宫”打造为我国新的“旅游景
点”，并举办第一个以“反贪腐”为名的旅游团，同时也揭发巴生公共图书馆的工程一直受到拖延等等。候选人需具备学识见识气魄他表示，由于党中央至今仍未公布该选区的候选人，因此，该支部公开推荐林立选为该选区的“代理候选人”，直到党中央宣布更好的人选为止。“我们将为哥打阿南莎选区的选民把关，务必要求党中央派出的人选，是具备相当的学识、见识及气魄的候选人，以便能够真正造福人民。”曾向中央力争但仍未有回应吴晋卫披露，该支部曾经向党中央推荐林立选作为候选人，并且针对此事会见雪州主席欧阳捍华，但是后者却无法给予他们正面的答复。陈思仪补充说，他们尊重党中央的权力，但是也希望党中央尊重他们的意愿。她形容，该支部已经筹备展开助选活动，但是目前“万事俱备，只欠东风”，因为党中央仍未宣布上阵的候选人。较早时在同一个地点主持另一项活动的林立选（左图），接受记者询问时坦承，他在几个月前已经向党中央申请在哥打阿南莎上阵。“但是，在大概一个月前，秘书长林冠英通过政治秘书黄伟益告诉我，秘书长目前正忙着上槟城，因此还未有时间考量这方面的东西。”针对哥打阿南莎支部表示，除了他之外不会会其他候选人助选的事情，林立选并没有正面做出答复。“这是他们说的，我的目的只是要抛砖引玉，希望党派出的候选人是最好及有理想的代表。”现年35岁的林立选，
是于2000年加入民主行动党，曾任巴生北区支部秘书和主席。他也是前任民主行动党雪州社青团副团长，现任雪州反对党领袖邓章钦的政治秘书。地方人士指出，民政党代表庄秀春在上届大选于哥打阿南莎区州议席中轻易出胜后，全职为民服务，在当地赢得极佳口碑。哥打阿南莎区州议席拥有大约60%华裔选民、印裔28%，其余是马来选民。
哥打阿南莎另一支部未表态
候选人需具备学识见识气魄
曾向中央力争但仍未有回应
the KLCC protest
http://protesklcc.blogspot.com/
今年1月1日起共有6条大道调高过路费，它们分别是芙蓉─波德申大道、南北大道第二中环衔接大道（ELITE）、居林─北海大道、马新第二通道、新巴生河流域大道（NKVE）及新柔长堤，以及黑木山收费站，涨幅介于7%至50%。不过，另外4条主要大道的收费，即安邦—淡江高架大道、南北大道、吉隆坡西部疏散大道及槟城大桥则没有调高。政府因没有履行合约调高大道收费而必须在2008年作出的赔偿总数为3亿4400万令吉。目前严重的通货膨胀情况，对平民百姓尤其是低收入者造成的冲击。
今年1月1日起共有6条大道调高过路费，它们分别是芙蓉─波德申大道、南北大道第二中环衔接大道（ELITE）、居林─北海大道、马新第二通道、新巴生河流域大道（NKVE）及新柔长堤，以及黑木山收费站，涨幅介于7%至50%。不过，另外4条主要大道的收费，即安邦—淡江高架大道、南北大道、吉隆坡西部疏散大道及槟城大桥则没有调高。政府因没有履行合约调高大道收费而必须在2008年作出的赔偿总数为3亿4400万令吉。目前严重的通货膨胀情况，对平民百姓尤其是低收入者造成的冲击。
26.1.08
The importance of Energy & Creativity
创意与活力，巴生争第一！ 林立选在21世纪的今天，在竞争上是一个没有国界的时代了，所以年轻人的压力面对的是来自全世界的竞争；在《世界是平的》这本书一开头就讲的很明白了："从前的父母告诫儿女说，不好好吃饭，印度与中国的孩子没饭吃……现在的父母必须告诫儿女，不好好读书，印度与中国的孩子会抢掉你的饭碗！"如果我们要我们的下一代有出路，我们就不能依靠现有的制度与方法，而是站在未来的角度来看今天。而如果大家都能站在未来的角度来看今天的话，我相信大家都会承认我们必须赶快换掉我们腐败的官僚体制！不然我们没有可让我们期待的未来……就像我国首相Badawi刚上任时说的名言："我们有一流的设备，却有九流的思维！" 而这样的现象，在他上任后的五年多来，并没有多少的改善……如果我们还继续依靠这个五十年没多大改变的制度，我们是间接的准备让我们的下一代被世界所淘汰！更重要的是，将来的世界，不只是国家与国家比，更是城市与城市比赛的世界！而最近在英文词汇里多了一个新名词Newlonkong，什么意思呢？表示纽约，伦敦及香港的综合现象；这三个地方是最先进世界的代表；在这三个地方所发生的事情都在很大层度上会影响全世界。而这三个地方都是靠港口起家的！这是我一而再、再而三强调的；为什么世界其他国家的港口城市都是那些国家里最繁荣的地区比如；上海、东京、纽约、伦敦、杜拜等等等而巴生却不是呢？！如果你们有人去过我们的巴生西港的话，你们对我以下所讲的话应该不会抱有太大的异议；我认为巴生西港是全亚洲最凄凉的港口之一！新加坡可以从一个港口起家，从第三世界到第一世界；杜拜同样从一个港口起家，在不到十年时间从默默无闻到举世皆知！为什么巴生不能呢？问题不在巴生人的身上，而是国家政府与州政府的政策上！如果以相对优势(ComparativeAdvantage)来说,马来西亚已经没有什么可以和其他国家争优势的资产了；唯一剩下的是马来西亚独有的多元文化了。而多元文化是创意最好的源头！而创意又是未来发展最大的资产！竞争力大师波特认为创意家需要的环境包括：好的学校、顺畅的交通、良好的治安、诱人的税率政策与支援的产业等。而巴生有没有这样的环境呢？未来的城市不再是"大就是美"，而是找到城市的活力点。为什么城市活力变得如此关键？因为每个城市都在抢二十五到三十五岁；流动力(Mobile)、活力(Energy)、创意力(Creativity)最强的族群。而这最强的族群代表最强的生产力！而今天民主行动党哥打阿南沙支部主办的《巴生之最》摄影比赛，就是试图为巴生这城市找回她的活力的起步，有句话说："好的开始就是成功的一半"。谢谢所有参赛者，因为他们使我们有好的开始，而这好的开始也给我们的未来开启了一个新的希望。再次谢谢大家。
21.1.08
the Untold Secrets
of the 8th and 9th Malaysia Plans , now revealed
我現在要告訴你一個秘密…一個關於國陣政府，每5年實施一次的馬來西亞經濟計劃個秘密。從二零零三年年的第3季開始，幾乎所有在第八馬來西亞經濟計劃的財務資源已被充分利用。所以餘下的2年期間（ 2003年的第三季至2005年的年），將不會有任何的財政資源以供我國利用。這對馬來西亞的經濟表現，尤其是剛剛由敦馬哈迪手接手中管理這個家國的第五屆馬來西亞首相阿都拉巴達威是沒有好處的。因此，有人曾建議一個創新的想法，那就是利用從第九馬來西亞經濟計劃的財務資源，以資助在第八馬來西亞經濟計劃所剩餘期間的經濟活動。上述想法，就好像是你用你的信用卡來支付你今天購買的東西。它是一個用你未來收入的概念。其實這是真的發生在馬來西亞。國陣政府正利用我國未來第九馬來西亞經濟計劃的稅收收入以資助第八馬來西亞經濟計劃的經濟活。在2003年的年的第4季 開始，大部分 的建設項目的資金都是根據一項特別資助計劃。在這一項特別資助計劃下，國陣政府將發出承諾信件給獲得政府合同的承包商來支持這些承包商向金融機構申請商業貸款。這些承建商須利用私人商業貸款動工建設項目以完成批項目。不管這些工程是在2005年之前或之後完成，國陣政府將只會在2006年利用在第九馬來西亞經濟計劃分配下的財務資源支付承包商。對於涉及上述特別資助計劃的承包商，都有兩個相似之處，第一個相似是在他們的帳戶中都有一個非常大的應收賬款及國陣政府支持的商業貸款。第二個相似的是這些商業貸款都是在第八馬來西亞計劃經濟後，即2005年12月後結算。我是從設在吉隆坡著名的國際審計事務所的合夥人之一知道這個秘密的。I want to tell you a secret now… a secret related to Malaysia EconomicPlan, which implemented every five years.During the 3rd quarter of 2003, almost all the allocation in the 8thMalaysia Economic Plan has been fully utilise. Thus, for the remaining2 years between 3rd quarter of 2003 and 2005, there will be nofinancial resources to be available for the country. This is no goodto the economic performance of Malaysia, especially for the 5th primeminister of Malaysia which just takes over the administration from TunMahathir.So, someone had suggested an innovative idea, which is to use thefinancial resources from the 9th Malaysia Economic Plan to finance theeconomy activities for the remaining periods in 8th Malaysia EconomicPlan.The above idea is just like you using your credit card to makepayments for something that you purchased today. It is a concept ofusing your future income. This is actually happening in Malaysia. TheBN government is using the country future tax revenues or collectionsof the 9th Malaysia Economic Plan to finance the economic activitiesunder 8th Malaysia Economic Plan.During the last quarter of year 2003, most construction projectsfinance by BN government was under a special funding scheme. First,the BN will issue undertaking letters to the contractor which obtainedthe government contracts to apply for commercial loans from financeinstitutions in Malaysia. These contractors were required to commenceconstruction project by using the private funding to complete theawarded projects. Irregardless, these projects are completed before orafter end of year 2005, the BN government will only paying thecontractors in year 2006 by using the allocation under 9th MalaysiaEconomic Plan.For those contractors who involves on the above special funding schemewill have two similarities in their book of accounts. The firstsimilarity was a large account receivable for government contract aswell as a commercial loans which supported by an undertaking lettersfrom government. The second similarity was the commercial loans raisedas a result of the government contracts were settled post 8th MalaysiaEconomic Plan period i.e. after December 2005.I knew this secret from a signing partner of one reputableinternational based audit firm located in Kuala Lumpur.
我現在要告訴你一個秘密…一個關於國陣政府，每5年實施一次的馬來西亞經濟計劃個秘密。從二零零三年年的第3季開始，幾乎所有在第八馬來西亞經濟計劃的財務資源已被充分利用。所以餘下的2年期間（ 2003年的第三季至2005年的年），將不會有任何的財政資源以供我國利用。這對馬來西亞的經濟表現，尤其是剛剛由敦馬哈迪手接手中管理這個家國的第五屆馬來西亞首相阿都拉巴達威是沒有好處的。因此，有人曾建議一個創新的想法，那就是利用從第九馬來西亞經濟計劃的財務資源，以資助在第八馬來西亞經濟計劃所剩餘期間的經濟活動。上述想法，就好像是你用你的信用卡來支付你今天購買的東西。它是一個用你未來收入的概念。其實這是真的發生在馬來西亞。國陣政府正利用我國未來第九馬來西亞經濟計劃的稅收收入以資助第八馬來西亞經濟計劃的經濟活。在2003年的年的第4季 開始，大部分 的建設項目的資金都是根據一項特別資助計劃。在這一項特別資助計劃下，國陣政府將發出承諾信件給獲得政府合同的承包商來支持這些承包商向金融機構申請商業貸款。這些承建商須利用私人商業貸款動工建設項目以完成批項目。不管這些工程是在2005年之前或之後完成，國陣政府將只會在2006年利用在第九馬來西亞經濟計劃分配下的財務資源支付承包商。對於涉及上述特別資助計劃的承包商，都有兩個相似之處，第一個相似是在他們的帳戶中都有一個非常大的應收賬款及國陣政府支持的商業貸款。第二個相似的是這些商業貸款都是在第八馬來西亞計劃經濟後，即2005年12月後結算。我是從設在吉隆坡著名的國際審計事務所的合夥人之一知道這個秘密的。I want to tell you a secret now… a secret related to Malaysia EconomicPlan, which implemented every five years.During the 3rd quarter of 2003, almost all the allocation in the 8thMalaysia Economic Plan has been fully utilise. Thus, for the remaining2 years between 3rd quarter of 2003 and 2005, there will be nofinancial resources to be available for the country. This is no goodto the economic performance of Malaysia, especially for the 5th primeminister of Malaysia which just takes over the administration from TunMahathir.So, someone had suggested an innovative idea, which is to use thefinancial resources from the 9th Malaysia Economic Plan to finance theeconomy activities for the remaining periods in 8th Malaysia EconomicPlan.The above idea is just like you using your credit card to makepayments for something that you purchased today. It is a concept ofusing your future income. This is actually happening in Malaysia. TheBN government is using the country future tax revenues or collectionsof the 9th Malaysia Economic Plan to finance the economic activitiesunder 8th Malaysia Economic Plan.During the last quarter of year 2003, most construction projectsfinance by BN government was under a special funding scheme. First,the BN will issue undertaking letters to the contractor which obtainedthe government contracts to apply for commercial loans from financeinstitutions in Malaysia. These contractors were required to commenceconstruction project by using the private funding to complete theawarded projects. Irregardless, these projects are completed before orafter end of year 2005, the BN government will only paying thecontractors in year 2006 by using the allocation under 9th MalaysiaEconomic Plan.For those contractors who involves on the above special funding schemewill have two similarities in their book of accounts. The firstsimilarity was a large account receivable for government contract aswell as a commercial loans which supported by an undertaking lettersfrom government. The second similarity was the commercial loans raisedas a result of the government contracts were settled post 8th MalaysiaEconomic Plan period i.e. after December 2005.I knew this secret from a signing partner of one reputableinternational based audit firm located in Kuala Lumpur.
17.1.08
The Opposition's Biggest Problem
The general election is just around the corner.
But the seat negotiations are nowhere near settlement. While the 14-party ruling coalition is putting its election machinery together, the three-party opposition is still bickering over the spoils of war. And the war has not even started yet. In fact, the opposition is far from winning the war. But they are already quarrelling over a mere dream that may remain a dream long after we are all dead and buried in our graves.
What the fuck is wrong with the opposition ?
Do we need to boycott the opposition and vote for the ruling party to teach the opposition a lesson? The issue of candidates is another important factor.
If you try to squeeze a square peg into a round hole, the voters will reject the opposition candidate and will vote Barisan Nasional.
The opposition accuses the ruling party of propagating cronyism.
But the opposition practices cronyism as well. The opposition leaders play favourites and will give their cronies the best seats. The non-cronies will be given the not so favourable seats. We will see winnable seats lost to Barisan Nasional merely because they placed the wrong candidate in that seat.
Candidates should be allotted seats not because they areclose to the party leadership but because they are able to win those seats. If not we will never see the opposition winning 60 Parliament and 200 State seats as what we hope will happen this time around.This is the opposition's last chance.
But the seat negotiations are nowhere near settlement. While the 14-party ruling coalition is putting its election machinery together, the three-party opposition is still bickering over the spoils of war. And the war has not even started yet. In fact, the opposition is far from winning the war. But they are already quarrelling over a mere dream that may remain a dream long after we are all dead and buried in our graves.
What the fuck is wrong with the opposition ?
Do we need to boycott the opposition and vote for the ruling party to teach the opposition a lesson? The issue of candidates is another important factor.
If you try to squeeze a square peg into a round hole, the voters will reject the opposition candidate and will vote Barisan Nasional.The opposition accuses the ruling party of propagating cronyism.
But the opposition practices cronyism as well. The opposition leaders play favourites and will give their cronies the best seats. The non-cronies will be given the not so favourable seats. We will see winnable seats lost to Barisan Nasional merely because they placed the wrong candidate in that seat.
Candidates should be allotted seats not because they areclose to the party leadership but because they are able to win those seats. If not we will never see the opposition winning 60 Parliament and 200 State seats as what we hope will happen this time around.This is the opposition's last chance.
For 50 years we have seen thes ame party ruling this country. This has to change. This, in fact, can change. But if they miss the boat this time around, the opposition will not be able to try again in the next election in 2012 or 2013.
They either make it this time around or else we will see what Ali Rustam said is going to happen -- we shall see Barisan Nasional in power for another 50 years !
No, I don't believe I am smarter than the opposition leaders. No, I don't believe the opposition leaders are that stupid. I believe the opposition leaders are smart enough to know what needs to be done. It is just that many within the ranks of the opposition leaders areTrojan Horses planted in the opposition by Barisan Nasional to ensure that the opposition remains divided and continues squabbling over petty issues so that a very weak Barisan Nasional can remain in power in spite of it being so weak.
I just hope that these Trojan Horses do not include people like Lim Kit Siang, Anwar Ibrahim, Husam Musa and those many others who are the main decision-makers and who will determine whether the opposition continues as a weak opposition while an even weaker Barisan Nasional stays on as the Government !
15.1.08
The WONDERS of Malaysia !
在哪里你可以看到全世界最会起的部长 - 马来西亚原因：我们的首相阿杜拉，上任以来样样都起，连弟弟也起。在哪里可以看到最超人般的部长 - 马来西亚原因：我们的首相阿杜拉 - 回教系毕业，但是可以同时作为财政部长，国家安全部长及首相，还有时间在南马大水灾发生时去澳洲为自己弟弟的nasi kandar店开幕。在哪里你可以看到全世界最烂的工程部长 - 马来西亚原因：沙美维鲁只有中六的学历，国会大厦经过接近一亿的装修，还是经常漏水。政府医院发霉，高速公路有裂痕，最要命的是签了那些不知所谓的大道合同，赔死我们。更要命的是，他到现在还是工程部长！在哪里可以看到最不卫生的卫生部长 - 马来西亚原因：身为医生的卫生部长和卖花女在酒店开房，口交。或许我们的卫生部长的老婆没有和黄燕燕副部长讨教，如何穿性感的睡衣，绑住卫生部长的心？在哪里可以看到最成功的教育部长 - 马来西亚原因：他的孩子都在澳洲读书在哪里可以看到最会演戏的贸工部长 - 马来西亚原因：AP事件没完没了，拉姑流了一把鼻涕一把泪后，没事！在哪里做议员最爽 - 马来西亚原因：能够从火车闸看守员，做到巴生议员，再盖了一个千万皇宫，还请埋普罗大众一起去他的house warming.老查的钱哪里来？没关系，吃他两支satay再说！在哪里可以找到最善忘的人民 - 马来西亚原因：未详，或许马来西亚的土壤上有着一种神秘物质，会让人民记忆消退，继续投票给那些没有用的贪官污吏.在哪里你可以看到全世界最不要面的部长 - 马来西亚原因：领导百万党员的马华公会房屋部部长黄家定被一个只有几千个（可能更少）党员的巫统区部秘书叫阵侮辱，却不闻不问若无其事。在哪里你可以看到全世界最负责任的部长 - 马来西亚原因：两任交通部长皆以政府的名义来为朋党公司写担保信给银行，表明政府愿意担保其朋党公司的债务。无奈。。。。。短视和无知的选民，永远都是这种政客最大的财富.
can this kind of ( Political ) Party Leaders be trusted ??
那个政党的政务次长超速驾驶车祸，却怪罪路弯……那个政党的副部长鼓励老婆穿透明装勾引老公上床，却怪罪媒体只注意这个……那个政党的部长不认为婚外情是错误，却认为住同一间酒店的同一间房……那个政党的头目为了自己的地位，却不顾整个政党的选情，而不择手段的陷害同伴……这样的政党还可以要吗？这样的政党还有未来吗？请用您的选票让他们知道答案！！
Double Standard in Dr Chua's case !
在2008年1月2日蔡細歷醫生因為性愛光碟件事而宣布辞去衛生部長丶馬華副總會長丶馬華柔佛州聯委會主席丶馬華峇株巴轄區會主席及拉美士區國會議員。蔡細歷醫生在記者招待會上強調，他並不是受到黨壓力下辭職，而是因為擔心失去民心而淪為國陣政府的負擔。[點擊:記者招待會問答的英語翻譯]當記者問"是不是政治人物的隱私權應該受到更大的保障？"蔡細歷醫生是這樣的回答"…可是我最大的錯誤，就是去同樣的旅店、去同樣的房間，以為方便。"儘管刑事法典第377A違反自然肉體交媾條文已清楚說明，任何人涉及肛交或口交，違例者可被判處最高監禁20年，並可另加鞭笞。但是在另一記者招待會上，當記者問及首相拿督斯里阿都拉"政府不會對蔡細歷在性愛光碟中涉及的口交行為，採取法律行動？"首相拿督斯里阿都拉說"不會，我們（政府）不會採取任何行動。"全國副總警長拿督依斯邁奧馬說警方現階段專注於調查誰是錄製光碟的人。但是大家是或否記得在2003年8月2日一對年輕男女因在KLCC公園擁抱和親吻，其後因拒絕行賄市政廳官員，而被控在公共場所有猥褻行為而被罰款。為什麼平民接吻有罪而 部長口交無罪？難道蔡細歷醫生真的面對黨內的雙重出賣？難道政府真的採取雙重標準？
--由 NEO 於 1/03/2008 11:52:00 上午 張貼在 願景雄心
--由 NEO 於 1/03/2008 11:52:00 上午 張貼在 願景雄心
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